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ECCEESIASTICAL HISTORY,

\

ANCIENT AND MODERN,

IN FOUR BOOKS,

MUCH CORRECTED, ENLARGED, AND IMPROVED FROM THE PRIMARY

AUTHORITIES.

BY JOHN LAWRENCE VON MOSHEIM, D. D.,

CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GOTTINGEN.

A NEW AND LITERAL TRANSLATION, FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN. WITH COPIOUS ADDITIONAL NOTES, ORIGINAL AND SELECTED.

BY JAMES MURDOCK, D. D.

IN THREE VOLUMES.

VOL. III.

SECOND EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED.

N E W . Y 0 R K : STANFORD & SWORDS, 137, BROADWAY

18-19.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1839, by

JAMES MURDOCK,

In the Clerk's Offlca of tho District Court of Connecticut District

V ^

INSTITUTES

OF

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,

UNDER THJ53

NEW TESTAMENT. BOOK IV.

EMBRACING

EVENTS FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REFORMATION BY LUTHER, TO THE YEAR A.D. 1700.

Or. JAMES PECtl • e 7. l"n

INTRODUCTION.

^ 1. The Order of the Narration must be changed. — <J 2. The History divided into the General and ihe Particular —<$» 3. The general History. — ^ 4. The particular History. — ^ 5. History of the Keformalion.

§ 1. In narrating the ecclesiastical affairs of modern times, the same order cannot be followed as was pursued in the preceding periods. For the state of the Christian world having undergone a great change in the sixteenth century, and a much greater number of associations than former- ly being found among the followers of Christ, differing widely in doctrines and institutions, and regulating their conduct by different principles ; all the various transactions among professed Christians, can by no means be exhibited in one continued series, and so as to form one well-arranged pic- ture. On the contrary, as the bond of union among Christians was sev- ered, their history must be distributed into compartments, corresponding with the division of the Christian world into its principal sects.

§ '2. Yet many events occurred, which affected the whole Christian world, and the state of religion generally, or were not confined to any par- ticular community. And as the knowledge of these general facts, throws much light on the history of the particular communities, as well as on the general state of the Christian world, they ought to be stated separately and by themselves. Hence the work before us will be divided into two prin- cipal parts ; the one, the general history of the Christian church, and the other, the 'particular.

§ 3. The general history will embrace all those facts and occurrences, which may be predicated of the Christian religion as such, or absolutely considered ; and which in some sense, affected the whole Christian world, rent unhappily as it was by divisions. Of course, we shall here describe the enlargement of the boundaries of Christendom or their contraction, with- out regard to the particular sects that were instrumental in these changes. Nor shall we omit those institutions and doctrines which were received by all the Christian communities, or by the principal part of them, and which thus produced changes very extensive and general.

§ 4. In the particular history, we shall take a survey of the several com- munities into which Christians were distributed. And here we may prop- erly make two classes of sects. First, we may consider what occurred in the more ancient communities of Christians, whether in the East, or in the West. Secondly, what occurred in the more recent communities, those that arose after the reformation of both doctrine and discipline in Germany. In describing the condition and character of each particular sect, we shall pur- sue as far as practicable, the method pointed out in the general Introduc- tion to these Institutes, For according to our conceptions, the less a per- son recedes from this method, the less will he probably omit of what is ne- cessary to a full knowledge of the history of each individual community.

6 INTRODUCTION.

§ 5. The most important of all the events that occurred among Christ- ians; after tiie fifteenth century, nay, the greatest of all events affecting the Cliristian \vorld since the birth of the Saviour, was that celebrated religious and ecclesiastical revolution called the Reformation. Commencing from small beginnings in Saxony, it not only spread in a short space of time over all Euro])e, but also affected in no slight degree the other quarters of the globe ; and it may be justly regarded as the first and principal cause of all those great ecclesiastical, and even those civil revolutions and changes, which have rendered the history of the subsequent times quite to the present day so interesting and important. The face of all Europe was changed, after that event ; and our own times are experiencing, and future times will experi- ence, both the inestimable advantages that arose from it, and the vast evils to which it gave occasion. (1) The history of such an event therefore, an event from which all others in a measure took their rise, demands a dis- tinct and a prominent place. We now proceed to give a compendious view of the modern history of the Christian church, according to the meth- od here proposed. (2)

(1) [See C. Villicrs, on the Spirit and second includes, in separate chapters, the Influence of the Reformation ; from the history of the Lvlheran, the Reformed^ the French, 1807, 8vo. — Tr.] Anabaptist or Mcnnonitc, and the Socinian,

(2) [Dr. Mosheim still proceeds by cen- churches. — On the seventeenth century, he turies. On the sJzieen^A century, he divides makes but two sections. I. The general his history into three Sections. I. The his- history, in a single chapter. II. The par- lory of the Reformation ; in four chapters, ticular history, divided into Parts and Chap- II. The general history of the church ; in a ters, as in the preceding century ; except, single chapter. III. The particular history that among the modern sects, he assigns of the several sects or communities ; in two distinct chapters to the Arminians, the Parts. Part yir5/ embraces the ancient com- Quakers, a\A an additional chapter to sev munities ; viz., the Latin, and the Greek or eral minor sects. — Tr.'\

Oriental churches, in distinct chapters. Part

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

OF THE

SIXTEENTH CENTURY.

SECTION I.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

ARRANGEMENT OF THIS SECTION.

The history of the Reformation is too extensive, to be comprehended in t)ne unbroken narrative, without wearying the learner. For the conve- nience therefore of such as are just entering on the study of church history, and to aid their memories, we shall divide this section into four parts [or chapters].

The FIRST will describe the state of the Christian church at the commence- ment of the Reformation.

The SECOND will detail the history of the incipient Reformation, till the presentation of the Augsburg Confession to the emperor.

The third will continue the history from that period, till the commence- ment of the war of Smalcald,

The fourth will carry it down to the peace granted to the friends of the Reformation, A.D. 1555. — This distribution arises naturally from the his- tory itself. (1)

(1) The historians of the Reformation, 8G3, [also by Walch, Biblioth. Theol., torn,

as well the primary as the secondary, and iii., p. 618]. The principal of these histo-

hoth the general and the particular, are enu- rians must be consulted, by those who de-

merated by Phil. Fred. Hane, (who is him- sire proof of what we shall briefly relate in

self to be ranked amonji the better writers this section. For it would be needless, to

•on this subject), in his Historia sacrorum a be repeating every moment the names of

B. Luthero emendatorum, part i., cap. i., Sleidan, Seckendorf, and the others, who

p. 1, &c., and by Jo. Alb. Fabriaus, in his stand pre-eminent in this branch of history. ■Centifolium Lutheranum, pt. ii., cap. 187, p.

8 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. I

CHAPTER I.

STATE OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH WHEN THE REFORMATION COMMENCED.

^ 1. At the Beginning of the Century, all was tranquil. — () 2. Complaints against the Pontiffs and the Clergy, were ineffectual. — <J 3. Revival of Learning. — k) 4. The Pontiffs ^/cian^cr VI. and Pius III.— ^ 5. JuUus II.— <J 6. The Council of Pisa. — () 7. Leo X.—^ 8. Avarice of the Pontiffs. — ^ 9. They are inferior to Councils. — ^ 10. Corruption of the inferior Clergy.— (J 11. State of the Monks— (J 12. The Dominicans.— <5» 13. Slate of the Universities and of Learning. — ^ 14. Theology. — ^ 15. Liberty to dispute about Religion.— <^ 16. The public Religion.— <J 17. Misera- ble Condition of the People.— "J 18. A Reformation desired. — <^ 19. The Mystics.

§ 1. When the century began, no danger seemed to threaten the pon- tifls. For tliose grievous commotions, which had been raised in the pre- ceding centuries by the Waldenses, the Albigenses, the Bcghards, and Others, and afterwards by the Bohemians, had been suppressed and extin- guished by the sword and by crafty management. The Waldenses who survived in the valleys of Piedmont, fared hard, and had few resources ; and their utmost wish was, that they might transmit as an inheritance to their posterity, that obscure corner of Europe which Hes between the Alps and the Pvrenees. Those Bohemians who were displeased with the Romish doctrines,' from their want of power and their ignorance, could attempt nothing ; and therefore, were rather despised than feared.

§2. Complaints indeed were uttered, not only by private persons but by the most powerful sovereigns, and by whole nations, against the haughty domination of the Roman pontiffs, the frauds, the violence, the avarice, and the injustice of the court of Rome, the insolence, the tyranny, and the ex- tortion of the papal legates, the crimes, the ignorance, and the extreme profligacy of the priests of all orders, and of the monks, and finally of the un- righteous severity and the partiality of the Romish laws ; and desires were now publicly expressed, as had been the case in generations long gone by, that there might be a Reformation of the church, in its head and in its mem- bers, and that the subject might be taken up in some general council.(l) But these complaints the pontiffs could .safely set at defiance. For the authors of them entertained no doubts of the supreme power of the sovereign pon- tiffs in matters of religion ; nor did they themselves go about the work they so much desired, but concluded to wait for relief either from Rome itself or from a council. Yet it was manifest, that so long as the power of the pon- tifl>^ remained inviolate, the opulence and the corruptions of the church and of the clergy could not be diminished in any considerable degree.

(1) These accusations have been collected ing the wrongs done by the pontiffs and the

in great abundance, by the most learned wri- clergy, are exhibited by Jac Fred. Gcorgius,

ters. See. among many others, Val. Em. in his Gravamina Imperatoris et nalionis

Loschers Acta et Documenta Reformatio- German, adversus sedcm Roman . cap. vii.,

His, torn, i., cap. v., &c., p. 10.5. &c.. cap. p. 261, &r. Nor do the more intelligent

ix.,p. 181, &c., and Em. Salem. Cyprmns and candid among the adherents to the pon-

Preface to Willinm Em. TcvzcVs Historia tiffs, at this day deny that the church, before

Reformat., Lips, 1717, 8vo. The com- Lu</icr arose, was grossly corrupt, plaints of the Germans in particular, respect-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 9

§ 3. Nor were the pontiffs any more alarmed, by the happy revival of learning in many countries of" Europe, and the consequent vast increase of well-inlbrmed men. The revival of learning, by dissipating the clouds of ignorance, awakened in many minds the love of truth and of liberty; and among the learned men, there were many, who as appears from the exam- ple of Erasmus and others, facetiously ridiculed and satirized the perverse conduct of the priests, the superstitions of the times, the corruptions of the court of Rome, and the rustic manners and the barbarism of the monks. But the root of all the evil and of the public calamity, namely, the jurisdic- tion of the pontiffs, which was falsely called canonical, and the inveterate prejudice respecting a vicegerent of Christ located at Rome, no one dared resolutely attack. And the pontiffs very justly concluded, that so long as these ramparts remained entire, their sovereignty and the tranquillity of the church would be secure, whatever menaces and assaults some persons might offer. Besides, they had at their disposal, both punishments with which to coerce the refractory, and honours and emoluments with which to concili- ate the more daring and contentious.

§ 4. Hence, the bishops of Rome reigned securely, and free from all fear ; and they indulged their lusts, and all their vicious propensities, as freely as their innate depravity demanded. Alexander W.,n. monster of a man, and inferior to no one of the most abandoned tyrants of antiquity^ marked the commencement of the century with his horrid crimes and vil- lanies. He died suddenly, A.D. 1503, from poison which he had prepared for others, if the common report is true, or from old age and sickness, if others are to be believed.(2) His successor, Pius III., died at the end of twenty-six days ; and was followed by Julian de Roveria, under the name of Julius II., who obtained the pontificate by fraud and bribery.

§ 5. That this Julius II. possessed, besides other vices, very great fe- rocity, arrogance, vanity, and a mad passion for war, is proved by abun- dant testimony. In the first place, forming an alliance with the emperor and the king of France, he made war upon the Venetians. (3) He next laid siege to Ferrara. And at last, drawing the Venetians, the Swiss, and the Spaniards to engage in the war with him, he made an attack upon Lewis XII. the king of France. Nor, so long as he lived, did he cease from embroiling all Europe. Who can doubt, that under a vicar of Jesus Christ that spent his time in camps, and was ambitious of the fame of a great warrior, everything both in church and state must have gone to ruin, and both the discipline of the church and the very spirit of religion have become prostrate 1

§ 6. Yet amid these evils, there appeared some prospect of the ardently and long-wished-for reform. For Lewis XII. king of France, published a threat stamped upon the coins he issued, that he would completely over- throw the Romish power ; which he designated by the name of Babylon.{4,)

(2) See Alexander Gordon^s Life of Alex- (3) See Du Bos, Histoire de la Ligue du

ander VI., French from the Encrlish, Am- Cambrav, Hague, 1710,2 vols. 8vo.

sterd., 1732, 2 vols 8vo ; also another life of (4) See Chnst. Snnsm. Liche's Commen-

hiin, by a very learned and ingenious man, tatio de numis Liidovici X(I. epiarHphe;

written with more candour and moderation, Pkrdam Babyi-onis Nomkn, insignibus,

and, together with a Life of Le.i> X., subjoin- Lips., 1717, 8vo. Com[)are, however, the

ed to the first volume of the Histoire du droit Thesaurus Episiolicus Crozianus. torn, i , p.

public ecclesiastiqueFrangois, par Mr. D.B., 238, 243. Colonin's Histoire litter de la

Lorid , 1752. 4to. ville de Lyon, torn, ii., p. 443, &,c., and oth-

VoL. III.— B

10 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. I.

Moreover some of tlie cardinals of the Romish court, relying on the author, itv of this king and of the emperor, summoned a council at Pisa in the year loll, to curb the madness of the pontiff, and to deHberate on measures for a general reformation of the inveterate corruptions in religion. But Ju- lius, relying on the power of his allies and on his own resources, laughed at this op]>osition. Yet not to neglect means for frustraiing these designs,

he called another council to meet in the Lateran palace, A.D. 1512.(5)

ers ; for it is well known, that there has been the pope.) Yes. — 6. If the pope and a much dispute respecting these coins, and the prince disagree, whether a case between object of them. {Licit has given engravings them belongs to the ecclesiastical or the civil of these coins. On the one side was the jurisdiction, and the prince wishes to leave it king's likeness, and his title; on the other to referees, and the pope will not consent but side, the arms of France surrounded with the draws the sword, may the prince stand on inscription : Perdam Babilloms (instead of the defensive, and call on his allies to help Babylonis) Nomen ; or also simply, PtWam himl Yes. — 7. If a pope pronounces an un- BahLloncm. Harduui understood Babylon just sentence against a prince, [with whom here, to denote the city of Cairo \n Egypt ; he is at variance, and who cannot safely ap- and he explained the coin of a military expe- pear at Rome to defend his cause], is that dilion, which Lewis contemplated against the sentence binding'? No. — 8. If the pope in Turks. But Lze^c has fully confuted this in- such a case should lay the prince and his geiuous Jesuit ; and has shown, that Babylon realm under an interdict, what is to be done 1 means Rome together with the pope, and that Answer : Such an interdict would be itself a the threatened vengeance was aimed by the nullity. [See the questions and answers, at king against the pontiff. And that the French full length, in Gerdes' Historia Evangelii church was not opposed to the designs of the Saeculo xvi. per Europam renovati, torn, iv., king, appears from the conclusions of the Append. No. 1. — 7V.] After these prepara- council of lours, which are mentioned in the tory steps, Lewis went still farther, and pur- following note. See Dii Pm's Nouvelle posed to have a general council called against Bibliotheque des Auteurs ecclesiast., tom. the pope. The em))eror Maximilian united xm , p. 13, 14, and Gerdcs, Historia Evan- in the measure, and three cardinals lent their gelii seculo xvi. per Europam renovati, tom. aid to the business. The council was open- ly., Append No. l.—Schl.] ed at Pisa, A.D. 1511, and after a few ses- (5) Jo. Hardimi's Concilia, tom. ix., p. sions, removed to Milan. The pope was ci- 1559, &.C. [LewisXU. was not an enemy ted by the fathers to appear at Milan ; and to be despised. He made preparations for a was afterwards suspended. But as the pope war again.st the pope, which were certainly had now brought about a reconciliation with great and imposing. He assembled the cler- the emperor, and as nearly all the as.sembled gy of France, first at Orleans and then at prelates were from France, the decrees of Tours, (see Hardviv, 1. c, p. 1555), and this council were no where received except proposed to them the following questions. — in France. The council assembled by the 1. Is it lawful for the pope to make war upon pope in the Lateran church at Rome, to op- temporal princes, whose territories do not pose that of Pisa, was somewhat larger than belong to the church ? No. — 2. May the the other, yet quite too small for a general prince in such a case, lawfully oppose force council ; and besides, was composed almost to force, and fall upon the territories of the exclusively of Italians. It may therefore be church, not to conquer and retain them but regarded rather as a provincial than as a gen- to disable the pope from carrying on the warl eral council. It held 11 sessions in all. In Yes. — 3. May a prince refuse obedience to the first, it was determined to take up the a pope, who is his enemy and who makes un- subjects of the division caused by the coun- just war upon him'? Yes : so far as is ne- cil of Pisa, the reformation of the church, a cessary for his own security and that of hi.s pacification among Christian princes, and a people. — 4. In that case, how are those af- war against the Turks. In the second, the fairs to be conducted which ordinarily are convention at Pisa was declared to be irreg- refer.cd to the decision of the pontiff? An- ular. In the third, the emperor having now *t<j«r ; in the manner prescribed by the Pra^'- sided with 'his council, severe bulls were malic Sanction. — 5. May a Christian prince issued againit France. In the fourth, the defend with arms another prince who is un- abrogation of the Pragmatic Sanction was der his protection, against the assaults of the taken up. In the fifth, simony in the elec- pope ■? (This question referred to the duke tion of popes was forbidden, and the French of Ferrara, who was involved in war with church cited to appear on the subject of the

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. U

In this body, the acts of the assembly at Pisa, were spiritedly condemned, and annulled : and undoubtedly, severe anathemas would have followed against Lewis and others, if death had not overtaken the audacious pontiff in his preparatory steps, A.D. 1512.

§ 7. His successor, Leo X., of the family of Medici, who was elected in the year 1513, was of a milder disposition, but no better guardian of religion and piety. The friend of learned men, and himself learned according to the standard of that age, he devoted a part of his time to conversation with lit- erary men, but a larger portion of it to the gratification of his appetites and to amusements, and was averse from all cares and business, prodigal, lux- urious, and vain ; perhaps also, according to a current report, positively im- pious. Yet he did not neglect the interests and the grandeur of the Ro- mish see. For he took good care, that nothing should be sanctioned in the Lateran council which Julius had assembled and left sitting, favoura- ble to the long-wished-for reformation ; and at Bologna, A.D. 1515, he persuaded Francis I. king of France, to allow the abrogation of the ordi- nance called the Pragmatic Sanction, which had long been odious to the pontiffs, and to cause another, called the Concordate, to be imposed on his subjects with their extreme indignation. (6)

§ 8. Besides the intolerable thirst for dominion and for oppressing every- body, which tormented these pontiffs, they had an insatiable craving for money ; which they caused to flow from every province of the Christian world towards Rome, in order to support their power and to purchase them friends. And it would seem not preposterous or unsuitable, for the heads of the Christian republic to demand tribute from their subjects. For who can deny, that the sovereign ruler of a commonwealth (and such the pon- tiffs claimed to be) is entitled to a revenue from the whole state 1 But as the term tribute was too offensive, and would excite the indignation of the temporal sovereigns, the pontiffs managed the affair more discreetly, and robbed the unwary of their money, by various artifices concealed under an appearance of religion. (7) Among these artifices, what were called indul-

above-named Sanction. Soon after, Julius land, vol. iii., p. 3. Cces. Egasse de Bou- died ; and in the sixth and seventh sessions, lay''s Historia Acad. Paris., torn. vi.. p. 61— the council was adjourned, both by the new^ 109. Du Clos, Histoirede Louis XI. ; His- pope Leo X. and by the votes of its mem- toire du droit Ecclesiastique Francois, tome bers. In the eighth session, Lewis XII. i., Diss, ix., p. 415. Add, Menagiana, torn, was present by his envoys; and the pope iii., p. 285. [See also the preceding vol- forbid the studying of philosophy, more than ume. p. 435, note (24). — Tr.] five years, without proceeding to theology (7) [Whoever would learn the whole art and jurisprudence. The ninth and tenth and mystery of ihe financial concerns of the sessions were devoted to trivial matters, Romish court, may consult Le Brefs Mag- which did not satisfy the expectations raised azine for civil and ecclesiastical history, and concerning a reformation of the church. At the ecclesiastical laws of Catholic states, vol. length the council closed, in its eleventh ses- ii., p. 605, and vol. iii., p. 3. where is an sion, May I6lh, 1517. — Schi] essay, entitled, History of the Romish chan- (6) The Pragmatic Sanction of the French, eery regulations; and also an essay by a is extant in Harduiyi's Concilia, torn, viii., learned Neapolitan, on the Romish chancery p. 1949. The Concordate is in the same regulations and the reservation of benefices, work, torn. ix.,p. 1867 ; also in Godfr. Will. And if any one wishes to form an idea of the Leihiifz, Mantissa Codicis Diplomat., pt. i., productiveness of these chancery regulations, p. 158, &c. Addpt. ii.,p. 358, &c. For a he need only compute the part of them re- history of the Pragmatic Sanction, and of the lating to Annates. Of these Luther made Concordate that succeeded it, see Gilbert a computation, in his tract entitled, Legatio Burnetts History of the Reformation of Eng- Adriani papae, &c., which contains an essay

12 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. I.

gences, that is, liberty to buy off the punishments of their sins by contribu- ting money to pious uses, held a distinguished place. And to these re- course was had, as often as the papal treasury became exhausted, to the immense injury of the public interests. Under some plausible, but for the most part false pretext, the ignorant and timorous people were beguiled with the prospect of great advantage, by the hawkers of indulgences, who were in general base and profligate characters. (8)

§ 9. But notwithstanding the reverence for the sovereign pontiffs was ex- tremely high, yet the more intelligent, especially among the Germans, the French, Engli.sh, and Flemings, denied their entire exemption from error, and their superiority to all law. For after the period of the Councils of Constance and Basil, the belief prevailed, among all except the monks, the Romish parasites, and the superstitious vulgar, that the pontiff's authority was inferior to that of a general council, that his decisions were not in- fallible, and that he might be deposed by a council, if he was guilty of manifest errors and gross crimes, or plainly neglected the duties of his sta- tion. And hence arose those high expectations and those intense desires for a general council, in the minds of the wiser portions of the age ; and those frequent appeals to such a future council, whenever the Romish court committed offences against justice and piety.

§ 10. The subordinate rulers and teachers of the church, eagerly fol- lowed the example of their head and leader. Most of the bishops, with the canons their associates, led luxurious and jovial lives, in the daily com- mission of sins, and squandered in the gratification of their lusts those funds, which the preceding generations had consecrated to God and to the relief of the poor. Most of them likewise treated the people subject to their control much more rigorously and harshly, than the civil magistrates and princes treated their dependants. The greater part of the priests, on account of their indolence, their unchastity, their avarice, their love of pleasure, their ignorance, and their levity, were regarded with utter con- on the nature of Annates ; Wittemb., 1538, chastity, under the most abominable circum- 4to. A still fuller account may be seen in stances. The ingenuous French Catholic the tract published by Marcr.llus Silbcr, at divine, Claude Espcnce, in his Comment, in Campo Flore near Rome, 1.514. under the Epist. ad Titum, 0pp., torn, i , p. 479, in- titleof Ta.xa cancellaria; Apostolicae et Taxa dignantly wrote concerning this book : Pro- sanctae pflenitentis ; and which was repub- stat et veluli in qua?stu pro meretrice sedet lished at Cologne by Colini, 1515, and at palam, &c., that is, " there is a book extant, Paris, 1620, and afterwards in the Supple- which like a venal prostitute appears openly ment to the Councils, vol. vi. It occurs before the public here at Paris, and is now also in the Oceanus Juris, or the Tractatus for sale, as it long has been, entitled Taxa Tractatuum, torn, xv., part i., p. 368, &c. cameras seu cancellariae apostolicae ; from [It was frequently published, with notes and which more crimes can be learned, than from comments, and some diversity in the text ; all the writings concerning the vices ; and whence the Catholics placed it in the list of in which license is promised to very many, books prohibited, as being perverted by the and absolution offered to all purchasers." — Protestants. See ^ffy'f* Dictionnaire hist. Schl]

crit., articles Pwct, and Bank (Lawrence). — (8) [The German princes and states both Tr.] It contains the tariffof dues to be paid Catholic and Lutheran, assembled in the diet to the papal chancery for all absolutions, dis- at Nuremburg, A.D. 1522, complained loudly pensalions, <S:c. According to this book, a of the papal indulgences, as exhausting the dean may be absolved from a murdfr, for resources of the country, and subverting twenty crowns. A bishop or abbot, forthrce piety and good morals; in their Centum hundred livros, may commit a murder when- Gravamina nationis Germanicas, No. 4, &c ever he pleases. And for one third of that — Tr] sum, any clergyman may be guilty of un-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 13

tempt, not only by the wise and the good but likewise by the common people. (9) For as sacred offices were now every where bought and sold, it was dithcult for honest and pious men to get possession of any good Uving in the church, but very easy for the vicious and unprincipled.

§ 11. Tile immense swarms of monks produced every where great grievances and complaints. Yet this age, which stood midway between lio-ht and darkness, would patiently have borne with tliis indolent throng, if they had only exhibited some show of piety and decorum. But the Benedictines, and the other orders which were allowed to possess lands and fixed revenues, abused their wealth, and rushed headlong into every species of vice, regardless altogether of the rules they professed. The Mendicant orders on the contrary, and especially those who professed to follow the rules of Dominic and Francis, by their rustic impudence, their ridiculous superstition, their ignorance and cruelty, their rude and brutish conduct, alienated the minds of most people from them. They all had a strong aversion to learning, and were very unfriendly to the proceed. in^TS of certain excellent men who laboured to improve the system of edu- cation, and who assailed the barbarism of the times, both orally and in their writings. This is evident from what befell Reuchlin, Erasmus, and

others. (10)

§ 12. No ord'er of monks was more powerful and influential, than that of the Dominicans. For they filled the highest offices in the church, they presided every where over the terrible tribunal of the Inquisition, and in the courts of all the kings and princes of Europe they had the care of souls, or held the office of confessors. Yet about this time they incurred very great odium among all good men, by various things but especially by their base artifices and frauds ; (among which, the tragedy at Berne A.D. 1509, stands conspicuous :)(11) likewise by persecuting the learned and

(9) See, besides others, Cornelius Au- by a Franciscan monk of Bern, in the year reliijs Gaudanus, Apocalypsis seu Visio 1509. The substance of it is this. A Do- mirabilis super miserabiU statu matris ec- minican monk named Wigand Wirt, preach- clesiae ; in Casp. Burmann's Analecta His- ing at Frankfort A.D. 1507, so violently as- toricadeHadriano VI., p. 245, &,c., Utrecht, sailed the doctrine of the immaculate con- 1727, 4to. ception of the virgin Mary, (the favourite

(10) [Reuchlin or Capnio, was the great doctrine of the Franciscans), that he was promoter of Hebrew and Rabbinic learning summoned to Rome to answer for his con- in Germany. The Dominicans of Cologne, duct. His brethren of the Dominican order, to bring it into disgrace, prompted John in their convention at Wimpfen formed a Pfefferkorn, a converted Jew. to publish a plan to aid him, and to convince the world work on the blasphemies contained in the that the Franciscan doctrine of the immacu- books of the Jews. This induced the em- late conception was false. Bern was se- jyerov Maximilian, in the year 1509, to or- lected for the scene of their operations. The der all Jewish books to be burned ; which prior, subprior, preacher, and steward of the however Reuchlin happily prevented from Dominican cloister at Bern, undertook to taking place. — Erasmus published the Greek get up miracles and revelations for the oc- New Testament, as well as many works of casion. A simple honest rustic, by the the fathers ; by which the ignorant monks name of John Jctzer, who had just entered represented him as sinning against the Holy upon his novitiate in the monastery, was se- Ghosi—SchL] lected as their tool. The subprior appeared

(11) On the notorious imposition of the to him one night, dressed in white, and pre- monks of Bern, see, among many others, tending to be the ghost of a iriar who had Jo. Henr. Hottinger''s Hisloria Eccles. been a hundred and sixty years in purgatory. Helvet., torn, i., p. 334, &c. [Historia He wailed, and entreated of Je^cer to afford Eccles. Nov , sapcnl. xvi., pt. i., p. 334, &c. him aid. Jctzer promised to do it, as far The narrative there inserted, was drawn up as he was able ; and the next morning re-

u

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. I.

the good, and branding them as heretics ; and also by extending their own privileges and honours at the expense of others, and most unjustly oppress. incT their adversaries.(12) It was these monks especially, who prompted Leo X. to the imprudent step of publicly condemning Martin Luther.

§ 13. Many of the mendicant monks held the principal chairs in the universities and schools; and this was the chief reason why the Jight of science and polite learning, which had begun to diffuse itself through most countries of Europe, could not more effectually dispel the clouds of igno-

ported his vision to his superiors. They en- couraged him to go on, and to confer freely with the ghost, if he appeared again. A few nights aftflr, the ghost made his ap- pearance, attended by two devils, his tor- mentors ; and thanked Jctzcr for the relax- ation of his sufferings, in consequence of Jctzcr's prayers, fastmg, &c. He also in- structed Jctzcr respecting the views enter- tained in the other world, concerning the immaculate conception, and the detention of some pontiffs and others in purgatory, for having persecuted the deniers of that doc- trine ; and promised Jetzer that St. Barbara should appear to him and give him farther instruction. Accordingly, the subprior as- sumed a female garb on a succeeding night, and appeared lo Jetzer. She revealed to him some parts of his secret history, which the preacher his confessor, had drawn from him at his confessions. Jetzer was com- pletely duped. .S7. Barbara promised, that the virgin Mary should appear to him. She, or the subprior personating her, did so ; and assured him, that she was not conceived free from original sin, though she was delivered from it three hours after her birth ; that it was a grievous thing to her, to see that er- roneous opinion spread abroad. She blamed the P>anciscans much, as being the chief cause of this false belief. She also an- nounced the destruction of the city of Bern, because the people did not expel the Fran- ciscans, and cease from receiving a pension from the French king. She appeared re- peatedly, gave Jctzcr much instruction, and promised to impress on him the five wounds of Christ ; which she declared were never impressed on St. Francis, or any other per- son. She accordingly seized his right hand, and thrust a nail through it. This so pained him, that he became restive under the opera- tion ; and she promised to im[)rcss the other wounds without giving him pain. The con- spirators now gave him medicated drugs, which stupified' him ; and then made the other wounds upon him, while senseless. Hitherto the subprior had been the principal actor. But now the preacher undertook to personate 'S7 Mary; and Jctzcr knew his voice, and from this time began to suspect

the whole to be an imposition. All attempts to hoodwink him became fruitless ; he was completely undeceived. They next endeav- oured to bring him to join voluntarily in the plot. He was persuaded to do so. But they imposed upon him such intolerable aus- terities, and were detected by him in such impious and immoral conduct, that he wished to leave the monastery. They would not let him go ; and were so fearful of his betraying their secret, which was now drawing crowds to their monaster)' and promised them great advantage, that they determined to destroy him by poison. Je<ccr, by listening at their door, got knowledge of the fact, and was so on his guard, that they could not succeed, though thev used a consecrated host as the medium of the poison. He eloped from the monastery, and divulged the whole transac- tion. The four conspirators were appre- hended, tried for blasphemy and profaning holy ordinances, delivered over to the civil power, burned at the stake in 1509, and their ashes cast into the river near Bern. — Such is an outline of the story, which the Franciscan narrator has drawn out to a te- dious length, with great minuteness, and not a little esprit du corps. — Tr.]

(12) See Bilib. Pirckheimcr's Epistle to the pontiff /fad/mn VI., de Dominicanorura fiagitiis ; in his 0pp., p. 372, whence Dan. Gcrdes copied it, in his introduct. ad His- toriam renovati Evangelii, tom. i.. Append., p. 170. [This learned and candid civilian and Catholic of Norimberg, who correspond- ed with all the leading men of Germany, both Catholics and Protestants, a few years before his death, (which was in 1530), wrote a respectful and excellent letter to pope Adrian VI., in which he endeavours to ac- quaint him with the true state of things in Germanv. The grand cause of all the com- motions there, he supposed to be the Domin- icans, who by their persecution of Capnio and of all literary men, and by their pride and insolence and base conduct, particularly in trumpeting the papal indulgences, aliena- ted almost all the intelligent and honest from the church, and then by their violent meas- ures drove them to open opposition to the pontiffs. — Tr.}

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 15

ranee and stupidity. Most of the teachers of youth, decorated with the splendid titles of ArtistcB, Grammatlcl, Fhysici, and Dialectici, in a most disflfustinfjj style, loaded the memories of their pupils with a multitude of barbarous terms and worthless distinctions ; and when the pupil could re- peat these with volubility, he was regarded as eloquent and erudite. All the philosophers extolled Aristotle beyond measure, but no one followed him, indeed none of them understood him. For what they called the phi- losophy of Aristotle, was a confused mass of obscure notions, sentences, and divisions, the import of which not even the chiefs of the school could comprehend. And if among these thorns of scholastic wisdom, there was any thing that had the appearance of fruit, it was crushed and destroyed by the senseless altercations of the different sects, especially the Scotists and Thomists, the Realists and Nominalists, from which no university was free.

§ 14. How perversely and ineptly theology was taught in this age, ap- pears from all the books it has transmitted to us, which are remarkable for nothing but their bulk. Of the Biblical doctors, or expounders of the precepts of the Bible, only here and there an individual remained. Even in the university of Paris, which was considered as the mother and queen of all the rest, not a man could be found, when Luther arose, competent to dispute with him out of the Scriptures. (13) Such as remained of this class, neglected the literal sense of the Scriptures, which they were utterly unable to investigate on account of their ignorance of the sacred languages and of the laws of interpretation, and insipidly wandered after concealed and hidden meanings. Nearly all the theologians were Positivi and Sententi- arii ; who deemed it a great achievement both in speculative and practical theology, either to overwhelm the subject with a torrent of quotations from the fathers, or to anatomize it according to the laws of dialectics. And whenever they had occasion to speak of the meaning of any text, they appealed invariably to what was called the Glossa Ordinaria ; and the phrase Glossa dicit, was as common and decisive in their lips, as anciently the phrase ipse dixit, in the Pythagorean school.

§ 15. These doctors, however, disputed among themselves with suffi- cient freedom on various points of doctrine, and even upon those which were considered essential to salvation. For a great many points of doc- trine had not yet been determined by the authority of the church, or as the phrase was by the holy see ; and the pontiffs were not accustomed, unless there was some special reason, to make enactments that would restrain liberty of opinion on subjects not connected either with the sover- eignty of the holy see or the privileges and emoluments of the clergy. Hence many persons of great eminence might be named, who safely ad- vanced the same opinions and not without applause, before Luther^s day, which were afterwards charged upon him as a crime. And doubtless, Lu- ther might have enjoyed the same liberty with them, if he had not attacked the system of Roman finance, the wealth of the bishops, the supremacy of the pontiffs, and the reputation of the Dominican order.

(13) [This was not strange. Many of the heretic, and as exposing Christianity to great

doctors of theology in those times, had never danger by making the New Testament

read the Bible. Carolostadt expressly tells known. Many of the monks regarded the

us, this was the case with himself. When- Bible as a book which abounded in numer-

ever one freely read the Bible, he was cried ous errors. — Von Ein.'\ out against, as one making innovations, a

16 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. I.

§ 16. The public worship of God consisted ahuost wholly in a round of ceremonies ; and those for the most part vain and useless, being calculated not to affect the heart but to dazzle the eye. Those who delivered ser- mons, (which many were not able to do), filled the ears of the people with pretended miracles, ridiculous fables, wretched quibbles, and similar trash, thrown together without judgment. (14) There are still extant many ex- amples of such discourses, which no good man can read without indigna- tion. If among these declaimers there were some inclined to be more grave, for them certain commonplace arguments were prepared and made out, on which they vociferated on almost all occasions, by the hour ; such for instance, as the authority of the holy mother church, and the obedience due to it ; the influence of the saints with God, and their virtues and merits ; the dignity, glory, and kindness of the virgin Mary ; the efficacy of relics ; the enriching of the churches and monasteries ; the necessity of what they called good works in order to salvation ; the intolerable flames of purga- iory ; and the utility of indulgences. To preach to the people nothing but Christ Jesus our Saviour and his merits, and that pure love of God and men which springs from faith, would have added little to the treasures and emoluments of good mother church,

§ 17. From these causes there was, among all classes and ranks in every country, an amazing ignorance on religious subjects ; and no less superstition, united with gross cori'uption of morals. Those who presided over the ceremonies willingly tolerated these evils, and indeed encouraged them in various ways, rather than strove to stifle them, well knowing that their own interests were depending on them. Nor did most of them think it advisable to oppose strenuously the corruption of morals ; for they well knew that if the crimes and sins of the people were diminished, the sale of indulgences would also decrease, and they would of course derive much less revenue from expiations and other similar sources. (15)

(14) [The Easter sermons in particular, a restoration to fellowship by a public pen- are proof of this ; in which the preachers ance, in which they entreated the brethren to were emulous to provoke laughter among the forgive their offence, standing before the audience, by repeating ludicrous stones, low door of the church clothed in the garb of jests. and whiinsiral incidents. Thiswascall- mourning. This ecclesiastical punishment, ed emphatically, Easter laughter ; and it still which was regarded as a sort of satisfaction has its admirers in some portions of the made to the community, and was called by Catholic church. John CEm/ampadius in that name, and which prevented much irreg- thc year 1518, published at Basil, a tract of ularity among Christians, was afterwards 32 pages 4to, entitled : De risu paschali, moderated, and sometimes remitted, in the QErolampadii ad W. Capitonem theologum case of infirm persons ; and this remission epistola. See J. C. FiissHn's Bcytrfige was called indulgence, induhcntia. Ongi- zur Kirchen-Reformationsgesch. des Sweit- nally therefore, indulgences were merely the zcrlandes. vol. v , p. 447, d:c — NrA/.] remission of ecclesiastical punishments, im-

(1.5) [Schlepel here inserts the following posed on the lapsed and other gross offond-

bistory of popish indulgences, according to ers. When persecutions ceased, and the

the views of Dr. Mosheim ; derived un- principal ground for this ecclesiastical reg-

do'ibtedly from his public lectures, which ulation no lotitjer existed, these punishments

iSc/i/c/7-c/ himself had heard, and has frequent- m'ght have been laid aside. [Not so: for

ly referred lo — Tr. The origin of indiil- relai)sing into idolatry, was only one among

gences fTiust be sought in the earliest history the many offences, for which [lenance was

of the church. In ihe fir.^l centuries of the imposed ; and as persecutions ceased and

Christian church, such Christians as were the church became rich and corrupt, other

excluded from the communion, on account sitis were multiplied; so that the ground for

of their relapses in times of j)ersecniion. or inflictins; church cetistires rather increased,

on account of other heinous sins, had to seek than diminished. — Tr.] They continued;

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 17

§ 18. Yet the more ruinous the evils prevalent throughout the church, the more earnestly was a reformation longed for, hy all who were governed either by good sense and solid learning or by a regard to piety. Nor was the number of these in the whole Latin world, by any mc.'ans small. The majority of them did not indeed wish to see the constitution and organiza-

and the doctrine gradually grew up, that his vicegerent. Yet this release from the pun- Christ had atoned for the eternal punishment ishments of sin, cannot be bestowed gratis. of sin, but not for its temporary punishment. There must be an equivalent, that is, some The temporary punishment they divided into money, which is given to the pope for reli- that of ihe present life, and that of the future gious uses. Princes indeed never release a life or of purgatory. It was held, that every man from corporeal punishment, unless he man who would attain salvation, must suffer petitions for it. But the vicegerent of Christ the temporary punishment of his sins, either is more gracious than other judges, and in the present world, or in the flames of purga- causes his indulgences to be freely offered tory ; and that the confessor to whom a man to the whole church, and to be proclaimed confessed his sins, had the power to adjudge aloud throughout the Christian world. Tnese and impose this temporary punishment. The principles carried into operation drew im- punishment thus imposed consisted of fast- mense sums of money to Rome. When ing, pilgrimages, flagellation, &c. But among such indulirences were to be published, the the persons liable to such punishments, were disposal of them was commonly farmed out. frequently persons of distinction and wealth. For the papal court could not always wait to And for these, the principle of admitting suh- have the money collected and conveyed from stitutes was introduced. And there were every country of Europe. And there were monks, who for compensation paid them, rich merchants at Genoa, Milan, Venice, and would endure these punishments in behalf of Augsburg, who purchased the indulgences the rich. But as every man could not avail for a particular province, and paid to the pa- himself of this relief, they at last commuted pal chancery handsome sums for them. Thus that penance into a pious mulct, pia mulcta. both parties were benefited. The chancery Whoever, for instance, was bound to whip came at once into possession of large sums himself for several weeks, might pay to the of money ; and the farmers did not fail of a church or to the monastery, a certain sum good bargain. They were careful to employ of money, or give it a piece of land, and then skilful hawkers of the indulgences, persons be released from the penance. Thus Fepin whose boldness and impudence bore due pro- of France, having, with the consent of the portion to the eloquence with which they im- pope. dethroned the lawful monarch of that posed upon the simple people. Yet that this country, gave to the church the patrimony species of traffic might have a religious as- of St. Peter. As the popes perceived that pect, the pope appointed the archbishops of something might be gained in this way, they the several provinces to be his commissaries, assumed wholly to themselves the right of who in his name published, that indulgences commutinp- canonical penances for pecuniary were to be sold, and generally selected the satisfactions, which every bishop had before persons to hawk them, and for this service exercised in his own diocese. At first they shared the profits with the merchants who released only from the punishments of sin in farmed them. These papal hawkers enjoy- the present world ; but in the fourteenth cen- ed great privileges, and however odious to tury, they extended this release also to the the civil authorities, they were not to be punishments of purgatory. Jesus, they said, molested. Complaints indeed were made has not removed all the punishments of sin. against these contributions, levied by the Those which he has not removed, are either popes upon all Christian Europe. Kings the punishments of this world, that is, the and princes, clergy and laity, bishops, mon- penances which confessors enjoin, or the asteries, and confessors, all felt themselves punishmentsofthefutureworld, that is, those aggrieved by them; the former, that their of purgatory. An indulgence frees a person countries were impoverished, under the pre- from both these. The first, the pope remits text of crusades that were never undertaken, by his papal power as sovereign lord of the and of wars against heretics and Turks ; and church ; just as the sovereign of a country the latter, that their letters of indulgence can commute the corporeal punishment, were rendered inefficient, and the people re- which the inferior judges decree, into pecu- leased from ecclesiastical discipline. But at niary mulcts. The last, he remits, (as 5ew- Rome, all were deaf to these complaints; edict XIV. says in his bull for the jubilee), and it was not till the revolution produced jure suffragii ; that is, by his prevalent inter- by Luther, that unhappy Europe obtained the cession with God, who can deny nothing to desired relief — Schi]

Vol. III.— C

18 BOOK IT.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. L— CHAP. II.

ticn of the church altered, nor the doctrines which had become sacred by loufr admission rejected, nor the rites and ceremonies abrogated ; but only, to have some bounds set to the power of the pontilTs, the corrupt morals and the impositions of the clergy corrected, the ignorance and errors of the people dispelled, and the burdens imposed on the people under colour of reliirion removed. But as none of these reforms could be efKcted, with- out first extirpating various absurd and impious opinions which gave birth to the evils, or without purging the existing religion from its corruptions, all those may be considered as implicitly demanding a reformation of re/z- gion, who are represented as calling for a reformation of the church both in its head and in its members.

§ 19. What little of real piety still remained, existed as it were under the patronage of those called Mystics. For this class of persons, both by their tongues and by their pens, avoiding all scholastic disputations, and demonstmting the vanity of mere external worship, exhorted men to strive only to obtaiir holiness of heart and communion with God. And hence they were loved and respected, by most of those who seriously and earnest- ly souirht for salvation. Yet as all of them associated the vulgar errors and su'iierstitions with their precepts of piety, and many of them were led into strange opinions by their excessive love of contemplation, and were but little removed from fanatical delirium, more powerful auxiliaries than they, were necessary to the subjugation of the inveterate prejudices.

CHAPTER II.

HISTORY OF THE COMMENCEMENT AND PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATIOIT, TILL THE PRESENTMENT OF THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION; [OR FROM A. D.

1.517-1530.]

6 1 The beginning of the Reformation.—-^ 2. I.uther.— <^ 3. John Tetzel preaches Tn- duloences in 1517— H- State of the Question between these two Persons— 6 5 The Oppo^ers of the former, and Patrons of the latter.— s^ 6. Conference of Luther with Ca etan at Aucr^burg-<^ 7. The Issue of it.-^ 8. Proceedings of M-lftz. All Plans for Peacefrnslrated.-<^9. The Discussions at Leipsic. Eckius. Carolostadt.-MO. Philip Melancthon. -(J 11. Beeinmng of the Reformation m Switzerland.- <5. 12. Luther is E.xco>n,nun.cated by the Pope, m 1520.-<) 13. He withdraws from the Communion of the Komish Church.-^ 14. The Kise of the Lutheran Church -^ 1ft. Jl he Diet of 'VS'orin^ in 1521 —(} 16. The Events of it. Luther is Proscribed.— <^ 17 His Pursuits, after leaving the Cas.le of Wartburg.- <J 18. Hadrian VL The Diet of Nureml erg in 1522 --i 19. Clement VIL A.D 1524.-«^ 20. Carolostadt. Zwingle.— (J 21 War of the Peasants in 1525.--^ 22. Death of Frederic the Wise John his Successor.— 6 23 The Diet of Spire in 1526 —<^ 24. Subsequent Progress of the Reformation — 6 25 The Diet of Spire in 1529. The Protestants.— *^ 26. Their Alliance.—*^ 27 The Conference at Marpurg. in 1.V29.— .^ 28 The Diei to be assembled at Augsburg.-.^ 29 The State of the Reformation in Sweden, about the year 1530.—^ 30. Reformation ef- fected in Denmark bv Christiern.-<J 31. It was completed bv Frederic and t|y Chris- tian HI —() 32 A Discrimination to be made, in regard to the Suedi,«h and Danish Reformation.— (^ 33. The Reformation in France.—*^ 34. Reformation in other Coun- tries in Europe.

§ 1. While the Roman pontifTs supposed all was safe and tranquil, and the pious and good were eveiy where despairing of the much-longed-for

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 19

reformation of the church, unexpectedly a little obscure monk of Saxony a province in Germany, Martin Luther of Eisleben, born of reputable but hum- ble parentage, of the order of the Augustinian Eremites which was one of the four mendicant orders, and a protessor of theology in the university of Wiltemberg, which Frederic the Wise elector of Saxony had estabhshed a few years before, with astonishing intrepidity opposed himself alone to the whole Romish power. It was in the year 1517, when Leo X. was at the head of the church ; Maximilian I. of Austria, governed the German Ro- man empire ; and Frederic, for his great wisdom surnamed the Wise, ruled over Saxony. Many applauded the courage and heroism of this new op- poser ; but almost no one anticipated his success. For it was not to be expected, that this light-armed warrior could harm a Hercules, whom so many heroes had assailed in vain.

§ 2. That Luther was possessed of extraordinary talents, uncommon genius, a copious memory, astonishing industry and perseverance, superior eloquence, a greatness of soul that rose above all human weaknesses, and consummate erudition for the age in which he Hved, even those among his enemies who possess some candour, do not deny. In the philosophy then taught in the schools, he was as well versed as he was in theology ; and he taught both, with great applause, in the university of Wittemberg. In the former, he followed the principles of the Nominalists, which were em- braced by his order, that of the Augustinians ; in the latter, he was a fol- lower for the most part of St. Augustine. But he had long preferred the holy scriptures and sound reason, before any human authorities or opin- ions. No wise m-an indeed will pronounce him entirely faultless ; yet if "we except the imperfections of the times in which he lived and of the reli- gion in which he was trained, we shall find little to censure in the man. (16)

(16) All the writers who have given the miner of Mansfield. He was born at Eisle- history of Luther's life and achievements, ben, A D. 1483. After attending the schools are enumerated by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, in his of Magdeburg and Eisenach, he studied Centifolium Lutheranum, of which the first scholastic philosophy and jurisprudence at volume appeared at Hamburg in 1728, and Erfurt, and at the same time read the ancient the second volume, m 1730, 8vo. [ilfe- Latin authors. But his intimate friend being lancthon, de Vita Lutheri, ed. Heumann, killed, and himself com.pletely stunned, by a Gottino-., 1741, 4to. SchroeckKs Kirchen- clap of thunder, he joined himself, much gesch. seit. der Reformation, vol. i., p 106, against the will of his father, to one of the &c. J. and I. Milners Church History, most rigid orders of mendicants, that of the cent. xvi. Aiex. Bower's Life of Luther, Augustinian Eremites. In this situation he Edinb., 1813, and numerous others ; among so conducted himself, that his superiors were- which the foUowmg are particularly recom- well satisfied with his industry, good temper, mended by Schlegel. — Tr. J. G. Watch's and abilities. In the year 1508, Johi von Ausfiirliche Nachright Von D. Mart. Luther, Staupitz, his vicar-general, sent him from prefi.xed to the 24th vol. of his edition of Lu- Erfurt to Wittemberg, contrary to his incli- ther's works, p. 1-875, which exceeds all otli- nations, to be professor of philosophy. He ers in fulness and learned fidelity. The ear- now applied himself more to biblical theolo- lierworkof F. S. Kelt, merkwiirdige Leben- gy, discovered the defects of the scholastic sumstande D. Mart. Luther's, Leipsic, 1764, philosophy, and began to reject human au- 4 vols., contains much that is good, with thorities in matters of religion ; and in these some things that are censurable. Also, from views, his baccalaureate in theolgy, which its historical connexion, C. W. F. Walctis he took in the year 1509, confirmed him still Gesch. der Frau Catharina Von Bora, Mar- more. A journey to Rome, which he un- tin Luther's Ehegattin, 2 vols., Gotting., dertook in the year 1510 on the business of 1753-54, 8vo, and Prof Schroeckh's Life of his order, procured him knowledge and ex- Luther, in his Abbildungen der Gelehrien. perience, which were afterwards of great use From these writings we adduce these prin- to him. After his return, he took in the year cipal circumstances. — Luther's father was a 1513, his degree of doctor hi divinity ; and

20

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

§ 3. The first occasion for publishing the truths he had discovered, was presented to this great man, by John Tetzel, a Dominican monk void of shame, whom Albert the archbishop of Mentz and Magdeburg, had hired on account of his impudence, to soUcit the Germans, in the name of the Roman pontiff Leo X., to expiate with money their own sins and those of their friends, and future sins as well as past ones, or in other words, /o preach

he now applied himself diligently to the study of the Greek and Hebrew languages. All these pursuits were preparations for that great work, which divine Providence intend- ed to accomplish by him ; and they procured him a degree of learning, that was great for those times. He was not inex[)trt in philos- ophy, and he understood the Bible, better than any other teacher in the Catholic church ; he had critically read the writings of the fathers ; and had studied, among the modern writers, especially William Occam and Johyi Gerson, together with the Mystics of the two preceding centuries, and particu- larly John Taulcr ; and from the two former, {Occam and Gerson), he learned to view the papal authority, difTerently from the mass of people ; and from the latter, (the Mystics), he learned many practical truths relating to the religion of the heart, which were not to be found in the ordinary books of devotion and piety. Of church history he had so much knowledge, as was necessary for com- batmg the prevalent errors, and for restoring the primitive religion of Christians. In the Belles Lettres also, he was not a novice. He wrote the German language with greater purity, elegance, and force, than any other author of that age ; and his translation of the Bible and his hymns still exhibit proof, how correctly, nervously, and clearly, he could express himself in his native tongue. He possessed a natural, strong, and moving eloquence. These acquisitions and talents resided in a mind of uncommon ardour, and of heroic virtue in action ; and he applied them to objects of the greatest utility, both to mankind at large, and to the individual members of society. He saw religion to be disfigured with the most pernicious errors, and reason and conscience to be underintoler- abie bondage. He chased away these errors, brouorht true religion and sound reason again into repute, rescued virtue from slavish sub- jection to human authorities, and made it obedient to nobler motives, vindicated the rights of man against the subverters of them, furnished the state with useful citizens by removing obstructions to marriage, and gave to the thrones of princes their original power and security. By what means he gradually effected all this good for mankind, will ap- pear in the course of this history. It is true.

the man who performed these heroic deeds for Europe, had his imperfections. For he- roes are but men. But his faults were not the fruits of a corrupt heart, but of a warm, sanguine, choleric temperament, and the ef- fects of his education and of the times in which he lived. He answered his opposcrs, even when they were kings and princes, with too great acrimony, with passion, and of- ten with personal abuse. He acknowledged this as a fault, and commended Mdancthon and Brentius, who exhibited more mildness in their conversation and writings. But it was his zeal for the truth that enkindled his passions : and perhaps they were necessary in those times ; perhaps also they were the consequence of his monastic life, in which he had no occasion to learn worldly courte- sy. And, were not the harsh and passionate terms which he used towards his opposers, the controversial language of his age 1 We do not say this, to justify Luther : he was a man, and he had human weaknesses ; but he was clearly one of the best men, known in that century. This is manifest, among other proofs, from his writings : the most important of which, we shall here enumerate. Theses de indulgentiis, or, Disputatio pro declara- tione virtutis indulgentiarum, 1517. A ser- mon on indulgences and grace, 1518. Res- olutiones Thesium de indulgentiis. Amono- his exegetical writings, his Commentary on the epistle to the Galatians, and that on Gen- esis, are the most important. In his own estimation, his best work was his Poslilles, which were published in 1527. His essays de libertate Christiana, de captivifate Baby- lonica, and, de votis monasticis, are very polemic ; as also his book against Erasmus, de servo arbitrio, in which he closely fol- lows Augustine in the doctrine concerning grace, while the earliest among the Reformed defended universal grace. His translation of the Bible, which was first published by parcels, and appeared entire, for the first time in 1534; his larger and smaller Cate- chisms; the seventeen Articles of Schwa- bach ; the Articles of Schmalkald ; and his Letters, are vcrv' noticeable. The best edi- tion of his writings, is that of Halle, 1737- 53, in twenty-four volumes, 4to, to which the immortal counsellor Walr.h has iniparted the greatest possible perfection. — Schl.'}

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

21

indulgences. (11) This fraudulent declaimcr conducted the business, not only in dereliction of all modesty and decency, but in a manner that impi- ously detracted from the merits of Jesus Christ. Hence Luther, moved with just indignation, publicly exposed at Wittemberg, on the first day of October A.D. 1517, ninety-five propositions ; in which he chastised the madness of these indulgence-sellers generally, and not obscurely censured the pontiff himself, for suffering the people to be thus diverted from looking to Christ. This was the beginning of that great war, which extinguished no small portion of the pontifical grandeur,(18)

(17) The writers who give account of ter, and acknowledged to him very gross TeLzel and of his base methods of deluding the multitude, are enumerated by Jo. Alb. Fabricius in his Centifolium I.uthcranum, pt. i., p. 47, and pt. ii., p. 530. What is said of this vile man, by Jac. Echard and Jac. Quetif, in their Scriptores ordinis Praedica-

torum, torn, ii., p. 40, betrays immoderate pentance and amendment ; and he declared,

and ignoble partiality. that he put no value upon their letters of in-

(18) [The pope offered as a pretext for dulgence. These sentiments he also pub- this new spiritual tax, the completion of the lishcd in a discourse from the pulpit ; and church of St. Peter, which had been com- he complained to the archbishop of Mentz, menced by Julius II., and he appointed for and to some of the bishops, of this shameful his first commissary in Germany, Albert arch- abuse of indulgences ; and published his bishop of Mentz and Magdeburg and mar- theses or propositions, against Tctzel ; in grave of Brandenburg, who from the expen- which he did not indeed discard all use of siveness of his court, had not yet paid the indulgences, but only maintained that they fees for his pall, and was to pay them out were merely a release by the pope from the of his share of the profits of these indul- canonical penances for sin, as established by gences. The second commissary was Jo. ecclesiastical law, and did not extend to the Angelas Arcimbald. In Saxony, John Tet- punishments which God inflicts ; that for- zel, who had before been a succcessful giveness of sins was to be had only from preacher of papal indulgences, was appoint- God, through real repentance and sorrow, ed to this service. He was a profligate and that God requires no penance or satis- wretch, who had once fallen into the hands faction therefor. The enemies of the refor-

sins. And when he laid upon them heavy ecclesiastical penances, they produced Tet- zeCs letters of indulgence, and demanded absolution. But he declined giving them absolution, unless they submitted to the pen- ance, and thus gave some evidence of re-

ef the Inquisition in consequence of his adulteries, and whom the elector of Saxony rescued by his intercession. He now cried tip his merchandise, in a manner so oflfensive,

mation tell us, that Luther was actuated by passion, and that envy between the Domini- cans and the Augustinians was the moving cause of Luther''s enterprise. They say, the

so contrary to all Christian principles, and so Augustinians had previously been employed

acceptably to the inconsiderate, that all up- to preach indulgences, but now the Domin-

right men were disgusted with him ; yet icans were appointed to this lucrative office ;

they dared to sigh over this unclerical traffic and that Luther took up his pen against Tet-

only in private." He pursued it as far north zcl, by order oi John von Staupitz, [provin-

as "Zerbst and Jiiterbock, and selected the cial of the order], who was dissatisfied be-

annual fairs for its prosecution. He claimed to have power to absolve, not only from all church censures, but likewise from all sins, transgressions, and enormities, however hor- rid they might be, and even from those of which the pope only can take coiinizance.

cause his order was neglected on this occa- sion. The author of this fable was John CochlcEus ; (in his Historia de actis et scrip- tis Mart. Lutheri, p. 3, 4, Paris, 1665, Svo), and from this raving enemy of Luther, it has been copied by some French and English

He released from all the punishments of pur- writers, and from them by a few German

writers of this age. But the evidence of this hypothesis, is still wanting. It is still unproved, that the Augustinians ever had the exclusive right of preaching indulgences. (See Fred. Will. Kraft, de Luthero contra indulcrentiarum nundinatores haudquaquam per invidiam disputante. Getting., 1749, 4to.) Luther was far too openhearted not to let something of this envy appear in his

oratory, gave permission to come to the sac- raments, and promised to those who pur- chased his indulgences, that the gates of hell should be closed and the gates of para- dise and of bliss open to them. See Herm. vonder Hardt, Hist, litter. Reformat., pt iv., ^ 6, 14, &c. Some Wittembcrgcrs, who had purchased his wares, came to Luther as he was sittmg in the confessional of his clois-

22 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

§ 4. This first controversy between Luther and Tetzcl, was in itself of no great importance, and might have been easily settled, if Leo X. had pos- sessed either the ability or the disposition to treat it prudently. For it was the private contest of two monks, respecting the limits of the power of the Roman pontitfs in remitting the punishment of sins. Luther ac- knowledged that the pontiff could rennit the human punishments lor sin, or those appointed by the church or the pontiffs ; but denied his power to ab- solve from the divine punishments, either of the present or the future world ; and maintained, that these divine punishments must be removed, either by the merits of Jesus Christ, or by voluntary penance endured by the sinner. Tetzcl on the contrary, asserted that the pontiff could release also from d/vijie punishments, and from those of the future as well as of the present lite. This subject had in preceding times been often discussed, and the pontiffs had passed no decrees about it. But the present dispute being at first neglected, and then treated unwisely, gradually increased, till from small beginnings it involved consequences of the highest importance.

§ 5. Luther was applauded by the best part of Germany, who had long borne very impatiently the various artifices of the pontiffs for raising mon- ey, and the impudence and impositions of the pontifical tax-gatherers. But the sycophants of the pontiifs cried out ; and none more loudly than the Dominicans, who, in the manner of all monks, considered their whole order as injured by Luther, in the person of Tetzel. In the first place, Teizel himself forthwith attacked Luther, in two disputes at the university of Frankfort on the Oder, upon occasion of his taking his degree of doc- tor in theoloo-y. The following year, A.D. 1518, two celebrated Domini- cans, the one an Italian named Sylvester Prierias the general of his order at Rome, and the other a German, James Hoogstrat of Cologne, assailed liim with great fury. They were followed by a third adversary, a great friend of the Dominicans, John Eckius a theologian of Ingolstadt. To these adversaries Luther replied with spirit, and at the same time he ad- dressed very modest letters to the Roman pontiff himself and to some of the bishops ; to whom he endeavoured to evince the justice of his cause, and promised to change his views and correct his opinions, if they could be shown to be erroneous. (19)

wrilincTs, if he really was urged on to action which had a design to draw into its own cof-

bv it Tand his enemies were far too sharp- fers the religio\is property situated in Saxo-

sightcd. if lliey had even the slightest siis- :iy : an rhjcction, which the whole series of

picioii of it. not to have reproached him with sulisequent events wdl refute. Luther at

it in his lifetime. Yet not one of them did first, had no thought of overthrowing the

this. For what Cochlcpvs has said on this p;ipal hierarchy ; and Frederic the Wise,

sul)ject, did not appear till after Luther's who was opposed to all innovations in eccle-

death. (See a lontj and well written note siastical or religious matters, would evidently

on this subject, in Madainc's translation of be one of the last persons to form such a

J\f-..vAf/m, on this paragraph ; and which F?/- plan. — Srhl ]

Icrs has s\il'joined, as an ApDcndix. to his ( 19) [L?<///er attended the general conven-

Essay on the reformation bv Luther. Pal- tion of the Augustinians at Heidell)erg. in

luvtr.ini, in his Historia coiicilii Trident , pt. the year 151S ; and in a discussion there, he

i.. lib i, c 3, <^ 6, &c. Graveson, Historia defended his /^/r«t/oxc.s\ (so he entitled his

Eccles., sscul. .xvi., p. 26, and other Calh- propositions), with such energy and applause,

olios, though enemies of the reformation, ex- that the seeds of evangelical truth took deep

presslv deny and roufute this charge against root, in that part of the country. See Mar-

Luther. — 7'r ) Others tell us. with as little tin Ihiccr's Helatio de disputatione Heidel-

evidence of truth, that Luther was prompted bergensi. in Dan. Gcrdcs, Append ad torn,

to take this step by the court of Sjaouv ; i. llistoriae Evangelii renovati, IS'o. 18, p.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 23

§ 6. Leo X. at first disregarded this controversy ; but being informed lay the emperor Maximilian I. that it was an affair oi" no Httle consequence, and that Germany was taking sides in regard to it, he summoned Luther to appear at Rome and take his trial. (20) Against this mandate oi" the pontiff, Frederic the Wise elector of Saxony interposed, and requested that Luther^s cause might be tried in Germany, according to the ecclesiastical laws of the country. The pontiff yielded to the wishes of Frederic ; and -ordered Luther to appear before his legate, cardinal Thomas Cajetan, [Thomas de Vio of GcBta'], then at the diet of Augsburg, and there defend his doctrines and conduct. The Romish court here exhibited an example of the greatest indiscretion that appeared in the whole transaction. For Cajetan being a Dominican, and of course the enemy of Luther, and an as- sociate of Tetzel, a more unfit person could not have been named to sit as judge and arbiter of the cause.

§ 7. Luther repaired to Augsburg in the month of October A.D. 1518, and had three interviews with Cajetan the pontifical legate. (21) But if Lu- ther had been disposed to yield, this Dominican was not the person to bring a high-spirited man to accomplish such a purpose. For he treated him imperiously, and peremptorily required him humbly to confess his errors, without being convinced of them by argument, and to submit his judgment to that of the pontiff. (22) And as Luther could not bring himself to do

175, &c. After his return from Heidelberg, (22) Cajetan'' s proceedings with Luther

he wrote to the pope in very submissive were dissatisfactory even to the court of

terms. See his works, ed. Halle, vol. xv., Rome. See I'aid Sal-pi's Historia concilii

p. 496. He also wrote to Jerome Sctt/^f^ttS, Trident., lib. i., p. 22. Yet Ecliard apol-

'l)ishop of Brandenburg, to whose diocese ogizes for Cajetan, in his Scriptores ordin.

Wiltemberg belonged ; and likewise to >S^a»i- Praedicator., torn, ii., p. 15; but I think, not

jpitz ; using in both instances very modest very wisely and solidly. The court of Rome

language. — Schl.^ however errod in this matter, as much as Ca-

(20) [Here is undoubtedly a slip of the jctan. For it might have been easily fore- memory. Before Max2mUmn''s letter arri- seen, that a Dominican would not have treat- ved at Rome, Leo had cited Luther to appear ed Luther with moderation. [Cajetan was within 60 days, at Rome, and take his trial one of the most learned men of his church ; before Jerome bishop of Ascoli, and his en- but he was a scholastic divine, and under- emy Syhester Prierias, as his judges. See took to confute Luther by the canon law and Seckendorf s Historia Lutheranismi, p. 41, the authority of Lombard. The electoral and Luther's Works, vol. xv., p. 527, &c. court of Saxony proceeded very circumspect- Maximiliar:. was himself friendly to Luther; ly in this affair. Luther was not only fur- but was now pushed on by some of his cour- nished with a safe conduct, but was attend-

^tiers. — SchL] ed by two counsellors, who supported him

(21) Of C«^'e/rt.»i a full account is given by with their les^al assistance. The cardinal Jac. Q'/etif and Jac Echa.rd, in their Scrip- required Luther to revoke, in particular, two tores ordin. Praedicator., torn, ii., p. 14, &.c. errors in his Theses ; namely, that there was [He was born, x\.D. 1469, at Gccfa, m Latin not any treasury of the merits of saints at Cajeta, (whence his surname Cajeta'O/s), in Rome, from which the pope could dispense the territory of Naples ; at the atje of 29, he portions to those that obtained indulgences wrote a book to prove that a general conn- from him ; and that, without faith, no for- cil could not be called without the authority giveness of sin couki be obtained from God. of a pope ; and was rewarded with the bish- Luther would adinit of none but scripture opric ofG^ta. and then vvith the archbishop- proofs ; and as the cardinal, who was no hib- ric of Pisa ; and in 1515. with a cardinal's lical scholar, could not produce such proofs, hat. In 1522, he was paoal legate to Hun- Lather held fast his opinions ; and when the gary ; and died .\.D. 1534, ao-ed 65. Oa- cardinal beoan to be restless and to threaten ietan was fond of st\idv, and wrote miich on ecclesiastical censures, Luther appealed i the .Aristotelian philoso[»hv, scholastic theol- Pnntitice male infonnato ad melius infor- ogv, and in the letter years of his life, exten- mandum ; — a legal step, which was no wise sive commentaries on the scriptures. — Tr.'] harsh, and one which is resorted to at the

24 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

this, the result of the discussion was, tliat Lulher previously to his depar^ turc fi-om Augsburg, in perfect consistency with the dignity of the pontiff^ appealed fron^i the pontiff ill-informed, to the same when better inform. ed.(23) Soon after, on the 9th of November, Leo X. published a special edict, requiring all his subjects to believe, that he had power to forgive sins. On learning this, Lulher perceiving that he had nothing to expect from Rome, appealed at Wittemburg November 28, from the pontiff to a future council of the whole church.

§ 8. The Romish court seemed now to be sensible of its error in ap- pointing Cajclan. It therefore about the same time, appointed another le- gate, u^io was not a party in the case, and who possessed more knowledge of human nature, to attempt to reconcile Luther to the pontiff. This was Charles von Mi/l/lz, a Saxon knight who belonged to the court of Leo X., a discreet and sagacious man. "The pontiff sent him into Saxony to pre- sent to the electoral prince Frederic the consecrated golden rose, which the pontiffs sometimes gave to distinguished men whom they were disposed to lionour ; and also to negotiate with Luther for terminating his contest with TetzeJ, or rather with the pontiff himself. And he managed the business, not without some success. For immediately, in his first interview with Lulher at Altenburg in the month of January, 1519, he prevailed on him to write a very submissive letter to Leo X., dated March 3d, in which he promised to be silent, provided his enemies would also be silent. Miltitz had other discussions with Luther in October of this year, in the castle of Liebenwerda; and in the following year, 1520, October 12th, at Lichten- berg.(24) Nor was the prospect utterly hopeless, that these threatening conimotions might be stilled. (25) But the insolence of Luther s foes, and the haughty indiscretion of the court of Rome, soon afterwards dissipated

all these prospects of peace.

§ 9. The incident which caused the failure of Miltitz's embassy, was a conference or dispute at Leipsic, in the year 1519, from the 27th of June to the 15th of July. John Eckius, the celebrated papal theologian, disa^ greed with Andrew CaroJostadt a friend and colleague of Luther, in regard to free will. He therefore challenged CaroJostadt, according to the custom of the age, to a personal dispute, to be held at Leipsic ; and also invited Luther, a'gainst whom he had before wielded the pen of controversy. For the martial spirit of our ancestors had made its way into the schools, and among the learned ; and heated dissentients on points of religion or litera- lure were accustomed to challenge one another to such single combats, hke knights and warriors. These literary combats were usually held in some

present day. bv persons who do not question (24) The documents relating to the em-

the infaUibiluv of the pope. Bv this appeal, bassy of MiUUz, were first pubhshed ^Y Ern.

he recognised the jurisdiction 'of the pope, Salonr. Cyprmn^m his Additiones ad W'llh.

and at the same time secured this advantage, Em. Tcnzcln Histonam Reform., torn. i. et

that the cardinal as a delegated judge, had ii. They are also contamed m \ al. Lrn.

no longer jurisdiction of the czse.—Schl.] Lascher's AcU Reformat., torn, n., c. xvi.,

(2:i)"See Christ. Frrd. Earner's Dhs. de and tom. iii.. c. ii., &c. colloquio Lutheri cum Cajeiano, Lips., 1722, (2.5) Lro X. himself wrote a very kind let-

4to ; also amona his Dissertations collected ter to Lulher, m the year 1519 ; which mem-

in one volume \ and Val. Ern. Luischer's orable document was published by Locscher,

Acta et documcnta Reformat., tom. iii., c. in his Unschuldigen Nachrichten, 1742, p.

xi , p. 43.5, &c , and Jo. Geo. Wafrh's Xach- lo3. It appears clearly from this epistle,

richt von Luthero, in the Works of Luther, that no doubt of a final reconciliation was

vol. XXIV., p. 409, &,c. entertained at Rome.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 25

distinguished university, and the rector of the university with the masters, were the arbiters of the contest and adjudged the victory. Carolostadt consented to the proposed contest, and on tlie day a[)pointed he appeared on the arena, attended by Luther, After Carolostadt had disputed warm- ly for many days with Eckius, before a large and splendid assembly in the castle of Pieissenburg, on the powers of free will ; Luther engaged with the same antagonist, in a contest respecting the supremacy and authority of the Roman pontifr.(26) But the disputants accomplished nothing; nor would Hoffmann the rector of the university of Leipsic, take upon him to say, which party was victorious ; but the decision of the cause was referred to the universities of Paris and Erfurth.(27) Eckius however carried away from this contest feelings entirely hostile to Luther, and to the great detri- ment of the pontiff and the Romish church, was resolved on ruining him. § 10. Among the witnesses and spectators of this dispute, was Philip Melancthon, professor of Greek at Wittemberg ; who had hitherto taken no part in the controversies, and from the mildness of his temper and his love of elegant literature was averse from such disputes, yet he was friend- ly to Luther and to his efforts for rescuing the science of theology from the subtilties of the Scholastics. (28) As he was doubtless one of those who went home from this discussion, more convinced of the justice of Luther^s cause, and as he afterwards became, as it were, the second reformer next to Luther, it is proper here to give some brief account of his talents and virtues. All know, and even his enemies confess, that few men of any age can be compared with him, either for learning and knowledge of both hu- man and divine things, or for richness, suavity, and facility of genius, or

(26) [Eck (or Eckius) was a great talker, that it depends on man's free power, whether

and one of the most ready disputants of his he will give place to the operations of grace

times. In one of his theses proposed for or will resist them. It thus appears, that

discussion, he had asserted that the pope Carolostadtdcfended the docthne of Augus-

was, by divine right, universal bishop of the tine in regard to divine grace. Eck claimed

whole church ; and that he was in possession to himself the victory ; and he gave a very

of his ghostly power before the times of unjust account of this dispute ; which occa-

Constantine the Great. In this disputation, sioned many controversial pamphlets to be

Luther maintained the contrary, from pas- published. The chief advantage he gained,

sages of Scripture, from the testimony of the was, that he drew from Lvlher assertions'

fathers and from church history, and even which might hasten his condemnation at

from the decrees of the council of Nice. And Rome: assertions, which a man of more

when from the subject of the pope they came worldly cunning than Luther, would have

to that of indulgences, Luther denied their kept concealed a long time. But still he

absolute necessity ; and so of purgatory, he lost much of his popularity by this discus-

acknowledcred indeed that he believed in it, sion ; and on the other hand, the truth gained

but said he could find no authority for it in more adherents, and Luthefs zeal became

the Scriptures, or in the fathers. In fact, more animated. — Schl.'\ it was in the year 1530, that Luther first (27) A very full account of this dispute

pronounced purgatory to be a fable. The at Leipsic, is in Val. Em. Lccschers Acta

dispute with Carolostadt, related lo free- et documenta Reformat., torn, iii., c. vii.,

dom in the theological sense, or to the nat- p. 203. [The English reader will find a

ural power of man to do the will of God. neat sunnnary of the dispute in .6o7i-f r's Life

Carolostadt maintained, that since the fall, of Luther, ch. v., p. 126-130. — Tr.] the natural freedom of man is not strong (28) See his letter on this conference, in

enough to move him to that which is morally Val. Em. Loescher''s Acta et Documenta

good. Eck on the contrary, asserted that Reformat., torn, iii., c. viii., p. 215, [and in

the free will of man produces good works, Gerdes, Historia Evang. renovati, tom. i.,

and not merely the grace of God; or that Append , p. 203-209. It exhibits a lucid

our natural freedom co- operates with divine and candid statement of the whole proceed

grace in the production of good works, and ing. — Tr.]

Vol. III.— D

26 BOCK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SECT. I.— CHAP. II.

for industry as a scliolar. He performed, for philosophy and the other lib- eral arts, what Lutker performed for theology; that is, he freed them from the corruptions tlu-y had contracted, restored them, and gave them currency in Germany. He possessed an (extraordinary ability to comprehend, and to express in clear and simple language, the most abstruse and difficult sub- jects and such as were exceedingly complicated. This power he so hap- piiy exerted on subjects pertaining to religion, that it may be truly said, no literary man, by his genius and erudition, has done more for the benefit of those subjects. From his native love of peace, he was induced most ar- dently to wish that religion might be reformed without any public schism, and that the visible brotherhood among Christians might remain entire. And hence it was, that he frequently seemed to be too yielding. Yet he by no means spared great and essential errors ; and he inculcated with great constancy, that unless these were clearly exposed and plucked up by tiie roots, the Christian cause would never flourish. In the natural tem- perament of his mind, there was a native softness, tenderness, and timidity. And hence, when he had occasion to write or to do any thing, he pondered most carefully every circumstance ; and often indulged fears, where there were no real grounds for them. But on the contrary, when the greatest dangers seemSd to impend, and the cause of religion was in jeopardy, this timorous man feared nothing, and opposed an undaunted mind to his ad- versaries. And this shows, that the power of truth which he had learned, had diminished the imperfections of his natural temperament, without en- tirely eradicating them. Had he possessed a little more firmness and for- titude, been lesb" studious to please every body, and been able wholly to cast off the superstition which he imbibed in early life, he would justly de- serve to be accounted one of the greatest of men. (29)

(29) There is a iJfc of Mdancthon, hi? life, from his love of peace, he manifested

written by JoacA C«mm/nuA-, which has more indulgence towards the Reformed, than

been often printed. But the cause of liter- was agreeable to the major part of the di-

aturc would be benefited by a more accurate vines of our church ; and his followers were

history of this areal man, composed by some therefore called Phhppists to distinguish

impartial and discreel writer; and also by a them from the more rigid Lutherans. In

more perfect edition of his whole works than the year 1530, he did not entertain such

we now possess [This great man (whose views. There is a letter of his to John

German name was ISchwartzcrdc, in Gr. Lar:A/na«r?, a preacher at Heilbron in which

Mdancthon -Tr ) was born at Bretten, in he warns him to beware of the leaven of

the lower Palatinate, A D. 1497, studied at Zwmsrk ; and says : Ego non sine ma.ximis

Heidelberg, and was teacher of Belles Let- tentationibus didici. quantum sit vitu in

ters at i-ubmgen, when he was invited, A D. dogmate CMn. Scis mihi veteram cum

1518 by Rcuchlm and Lvt her, to become (Eco/ampadw a\mcMidir\ e^se. .bed optarim

profeUor of Greek at Wiltem'aerg. He cum non incidissc in banc conju rail one rn.

tauaht, wrote, and disnulcd, in furtherance Non enim vocari alitor libet, quia pretextu

of The same obiecis with L.Uher ; but with ejus dogmatis vides, quos tumultus excitent

more mildness and gentleness than he. He Helvetii. Seef)r Biitiinghausen s Bey-

composed, so early as 1521, the first system trage zur Ptalzischen Geschichte, vol ii ,

of lheolo.ry that appeared in our schools, p. 138, &c. But the death of LuMfr cor-

under ihe^ title of: Loci communes rerum respondencc with Ca/w«, his own tinud and

theolo.ricarum • (which parsed throuLrh si.vty mild chararler, and perhaps also political

editions, in his lifetime. — Tr.) and greatly considerations, rendend him more indulgent.

helped forward the reformation. He also Among the superstitious notions imbibed in

composed the Augsburg Confession, and the his south, and ol which he could not wholly

Apoloc'v for it During the reformation, he divest hiin.>^elf, was his credulity in regard to

rendered service to many cities of Germany, premonitions and dreams, and his int-lination

He was also invited to France and England, towards astroloL'V, with which he even iri-

but declined going. In the latter years of fected some of his pupils. ( The most learned

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

27

§ 11. While the empire of the pontiffs was thus tottering in Germany, another mortal wound was inflicted on it, in the neighbouring Helvetia, by the discerning and erudite Ulrich Zwingle, a canon and priest of Zurich. The fact must not be disguised, that he had discovered some portion of the truth, before Luther openly contended with the pontiff. But alterwards, being excited and instructed by the example and the writings of Luther, he not only expounded the holy scriptures in public discourses, but in the year 1519 successfully opposed Bernardin Samson of Milan, who was impudent- ly driving among the Swiss, the same shameful traffic, which had awakened Luther's ire. (30) This was the first step towards purging Switzerland of

men of that age, Mdanclhon, Chemnitz, Ne- ander, were believers in this art ; indeed, such as were not, could scarcely pass for learned men. Henke's Kirchengesch., vol. iii , p. SSO.) He died in 1560. His works were published, collectively, A.D. 1562 and onward, 4 vols. fol. See also Theodore Strobel's Melancthoniana, Altdorf, 1771, Svo.—Schl.]

(30) See Jo. Hen. Hottinger's Heh'et- ische Keforniationsgeschichte, p. 28, &c., or his Helvetische Kirchengeschichte. torn, ii., lib. vi., p. 28, &c. For the former (which is often published separately) differs very little from the latter ; though it is often sold as being the first part of the latter work. [Also his Historia Ecclesiast. N. Test., saecul xv.,pt. ii.,p. 198, &c. — Tr.'\ Ahram Ruchat's Histoire de la Reformation de la Suisse, tome i., livr. i., p. 4, &c , p. 66, &c. Dan. Gerdcs, Historia renovati Evangehi, torn, ii., p. 228, &c., [or rather tom. i , p. 99, &c.— Tr] Jo. Conrad Fill sin's Btij- trage zu der Schweitzer- Reformations Ges- chichte, in five Parts [Schroeckh's Kir- chengesch. seit der Reformation, vol. i., p. 103, &c., and H. P. C. Henke's Algem. Geschinhte der christl. Kirche., vol. iii., p. 74, ed Brunswick, 1806. — Luihcr and his followers had long and severe contests with Zwingle and the Reformed, respecting the corporeal presence of (Jhrist in the eucharist ; and this caused much alienation and preju- dice between the two bodies, during the whole of the sixteenth century ; nor has en- tire harmony been restored between them to this dav. Hence, for more than two centu- ries, the Lutherans and the Reformed, con- tended, whether Luther or Zwingle was en- titled to the honour of leading the way to the reformation. Mo.'^hr.im manifestly gives the precedence to Luther. Hottinger, Gcrdes, and others, give it to Zivingle. Schroeckh, Henke. Schlegel, Von Einem. and others, of the Lutheran church, now divide the praise between them. The facts appear to be these. Zwingle discovered the corruptions of the church of Rome, at an earlier period than Luther. Both opened their eyes gradually,

and altogether without any concert ; and without aid from each other. But Zwingle was always in advance of Luther in his views and opinions ; and he finally carried the reformation somewhat farther than Lu- ther did. But he proceeded with more gen- tleness, and caution, not to run before the prejudices of the people ; and the circum- stances in which he was placed, did not call him so early to open combat wiih the powers of the hierarchy ; Lxither therefore, has the honour of being the first to declare open war with the pope, and to be exposed to direct persecution. He also acted in a much wider sphere. All Germany, and even all Europe, was the theatre of his operations. Zwingle moved only in the narrow circle of a single cant:on of Switzerland. He also died young, and when but just commencing his career of public usefulness. And these circumstances have raised Luther''s fame so high, that Zwin- gle has almost been overlooked Luther, doubtless, did most for the cause of the reformation, because he had a wider field of action, was more bold and daring, and lived longer to carry on the work. But Zwmgle was a more learned, and a more judicious man, commenced the reformation earlier, and in his little circle carried it farther. — Ulrich. Zunngle was born at Wildhauscn, county of Toggenbuig, and canton of St. Gall, A.D. 1484. At the age of ten, he was sent to Basle, for education ; and afterwards to Berne. Here the Dominicans endeavoured to allure him into their order; to prevent which, his father sent him to Vienna. Re- turning to Basle at the age of eighteen, he became a schoolmaster; and prosecuted theology at the same time, under Thomas Witfenbach, who was not blind to the errors of the church of Rome, and who instilled principles of free inquiry into his pupils. He preached his first sermon in 1506 ; and was the same year chosen pastor of Glarus, where he spent ten years. He had been distinguished in every branch of learning to which he had applied him.*elf, and particu- larlv in classical and e'egatit literature. He now devoted himself especially to Greek

28 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

superstition. Zwingle now vigorously prosecuted the work he had begun; and having obtained several learned men, educated in Germany, for his as- sociates and fellow. labourers in the arduous work, he with their assistance brought the greatest part of his fellow-citizens to renounce their subjection to pontifical domination. Yet Zwingle proceeded in a different way from Luther ; for he did not uniformly oppose the employment of force against the pertinacious defenders of the old superstitions ; and he is said to have conceded to magistrates more authority in religious matters, than is con- sistent with the nature of religion. (31) But in general he was an upright man, and his intentions are worthy of the highest praise.

§ 12. We now return to Luther. While Miltitz was negotiating with him for a peace, and with some prospect of success, John Eckius, burning with rage, after the debate at Lcipsic, hurried away to Rome, in order to hasten his destruction. Taking as associates the most powerful Dominicans in the pontificial court, and particularly their two first men, Cajetan and PrieriaSy he pressed Leo to excommunicate Luther forthwith. For the Dominicans most eagerly thirsted to avenge the very great injury which they conceived Luther had done to their whole order, first in the person

and Hebrew ; and had no respect for hu- the friends of the hierarchy, and at length man authorities in theology, but relied wholly accused of heresy before the council of Zu- on the Scriptures, which he read and ex- rich, Jan. 1523. He now presented sixty- plained to his people from the pulpit, with seven doctrinal propositions before the coun- great assiduity. His fame as a preacher and oil, containing all the fundamental doctrines divine rose high. In 1516, he was removed since held by the Reformed church ; and of- lo the abbey of Einsiedlni, as a field of fered to defend them against all opposers, by greater usefulness. He had before cau- Scripture. His enemies wished to bring tra- tiously exposed some of the errors of the dition and the schoolmen to confute him. But Romish church, and he now more openly the council declared, that the decision must assailed the doctrines of monastic vows, rest on the Scriptures. Zu-ingle of course pilgrimages, relics, offerings, and indul- triumphed ; and the council decreed, that he gences. The next year he was chosen to a should be allowed to preach as heretofore, un- vacancy in the cathedral of Zurich ; and be- molested ; and that no preacher in the can- fore he accepted the office, stipulated that he ton should inculcate any doctrine, but what should not be confined in his preaching to the he could prove from the Scriptures. The lessons publicly read, but be allowed to ex- next year, 1524, the council of Zurich re- plain every part of the Bible. He continued formed the public worship, according to the to read the best Latin and Greek classics, advice of Zwingle. Thus the reformation studied diligently the more eminent fathers, of that canton was now completed. Zwingle as Augustine, Ambrose, and Chrysostom, continued to guide his flock, and to lend aid and pressed the study of Hebrew and the to the other })ortions of the church, till the kindred dialects. He novv publicly ex- month of October, 1531 ; when a Catholic pounded the Scriptures, as the Gospels, the force from the popish cantons, marched Epistles of Paul and Peter, &.c., and incul- against Zurich ; and Zwingle, according to cated, that the Bible is the only standard of the usage of his country, bore the standard religious truth. While he was thus leading amid the citizens that attempted to repel the people gradually to better views of re- them. The enemy were victorious, and ligion, in the year 1518 Samso7i came into Zinnglc was slain near the commencement Switzerland to sell indulgences ; and the of the battle, and his body cut to pieces and year following, on his arrival at Zurich, burned to ashes. See the writers before re- Zwingh openly opposed him, and procured ferred to, particularly HoUinger, Gcrdcs, and his exclusion from the canton. The prog- Schrocckh; aUo\he dnicle Zwijiglc, in Rrr.s^ ress of the people in knowledge was rapid, Cyclopadia — His works were printed, Zu- and the reformation went forward with great rich, 1544-45, 4 vols. fol. — Tr.] success. Luther's books were circulated (31) [This charge against Z«'/Wj£r/c in both extensively, and by ZwingWs recomrnenda- parts of it, appears to be wholly groundless, tion, though he chose not to read them him- See Gcrdes, Historia Evang. renovati, tom. self. lest he should incur the charge of being i., p. 287, Sujiplcmenta. — Tr.] a Lutheran. He was however assailed by

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 29

of their brother Tetzel, and then in that of Cajctan. Overcome by their importunate applications, and by those of their friends and abettors, Leo X. most imprudently issued the first bull against Luther, on the 15th of June, 1520; in which forty one of his tenets were condemned, his writings adjudged to the flames, and he was commanded to confess his faults within sixty days, and implore the clemency of the pontiff, or be cast out of the church. (32)

§ 13. As soon as Luther heard of this first sentence of the pontiff, he consulted for his own safety by renewing his appeal from the pontiff to the supreme tribunal of a future council. And foreseeing that this appeal would be treated with contempt at Rome, and that as soon as the time prescribed by the pontilT was elapsed he would be excommunicated by another bull, he soon formed the resolution to withdraw from the Romish church, before he should be excommunicated by the new rescript of the pontiff. In order to proclaim this secession from the Romish community, by a public act, he on the 10th of December, 1520, caused a fire to be kindled without the walls of the city, and in presence of a vast multitude of spectators, committed to the flames the bull issued against him, togeth- er with a copy of the pontifical canon law. By this act, he publicly signi- fied that he would be no longer a subject of the Roman pontiff; and con- sequently, that the second decree, which was daily expected from Rome, would be nugatory. For whoever publicly burns the statute-book of his prince, protests, by so doing, that he will no longer respect and obey his authority; and one who has excluded himself from any society, cannot afterwards be cast out of it. I must suppose, that Luther acted in this matter with the advice of the jurists. Luther withdrew however, only from the Romish church which looks upon the pontiff as infallible, and not from the church universal, the sentence of which pronounced in a legiti- mate and free council, he did not refuse to obey. And this circumstance will show, why wise men among the papists who were attached to the lib- erties of Germany, looked upon this bold act of Luther without offence. (33)

(32) The friends of the pontiffs confess, tus ; valde enim timent, ne res latius serpat.

that Leo erred greatly, in this matter. See Haec causa fuit, cur bulla tam atrox cmanav-

Jo. Fred. Mayer's Diss, de Pontificiis Leo- erit, multis bonis et prudentibus viris recla-

nis X. processum adversus Lutherum impro- mantibus, qui suadebant maturius consulen-

bantibus ; which is a part of the work he dum, et Martino potius modestia et rationi-

published at Hamburg, 1698, 4to, with the bus quam detestationibus occurrendum esse,

following title : Ecclesia Romana reforma- hoc enim decere mansuetudinem, illud vero

tionis Lutheranae patrona et cliens. And. tyrannidem sapere, et rem mali exempli vi-

there were at that time, many wise and cir- deri. — Schl.]

cumspect persons at Rome, who did not (33) [Some modern jurists, as Schles[el hesitate publicly to avow their disapproba- tells us, have condemned this act of Luther, tion of the violent counsels of Eckius and the as beincr a treasonable act acrainst the eslab- Dominicans, and who wished to wait for the lished laws of the land. But it was not so, issMBoi Mil litz^s embassy. [See Riederer'' s in that age. For the canon law contained Nachrichten zur Kirchen-Gelehrten-und Bu- enactments only of the popes and councils, chergeschichte. Stuck ii., n. 18, p. 178, with which the civil powers were supposed where there is an anonymous letter from to have no concern. It was the statute-book Rome to Pirkheimer, saying : Scias nemi- of a foreign and spiritual sovereign, who nem Romse esse, si saltern sapiat, qui non claimed jurisdiction equally over the tempo- certo certius sciat et cognoscat, Martinum ral sovereigns of Germany and over their sub- in pluribus veritatem dicere, verum boni ob jects. To burn this book therefore was trea- tyrannidis metum dissimulant, mali vero, son against that foreign sovereign, the pope ; quia veritatem audire coguntur, insaniunt. but not so, against the temporal sovereigns Inde illorum oritur indignatio pariler et me- of Germany. — Luther's motives for this act,

30 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

Before one month after this heroic deed of Luther had elapsed, on the 4th day of January, 1521, the second bull of Leo agaii.st Luther was issued ; in which he was expelled from the bosom of the Romish church, for having violated the majesty of the pontiif.(34)

§ 14. When these severe bulls hud been issued against the person and the doctrines of Luther and his friends, nothing remained for him but to attempt to found a new church opposed to that of Rome, and to establish a system of doctrine consonant to the holy scriptures. For to subject himself to the dominion of his most cruel enemy, would have been mad- ness ; and to return again, contrary to the convictions of his own mind, to the errors he had opposed and rejected, would have been base and dishon- est. From this time therefore, he searched for the truth with redoubled ardour, and not only revised and confirmed more carefully the doctrines he had already advanced, but likewise boldly attacked the very citadel of the pontifical authority, and shook it to its foundation. In his heroic enter- prise, lie had the aid of other excellent men in various parts of Europe, as well as of the doctors at Wittemberg who joined his party, and especially of Philip Mehincthon. And as the tame of Luther's wisdom and heroism, and the great learning of Melancthon, drew a vast number of young men to Wittemberg, the principles of the reformation were spread with ama- zing rapidity through various nations. (35)

§ 15. In the mean time, [January 12th, 1519], the emperor MaximiUan I. died ; and his grandson Charles V. king of Spain, was elected his suc- cessor, on the 28th of July A.D. 1519. Leo.X. therefore reminded the new emperor of the otBce he had assumed of advocate and defender of the church, and called upon him to inflict due punishment upon that rebellious member of the church Martin Luther. On the other hand, Frederic the Wise of Saxony, counselled him not to proceed rashly and improperly against Luther, but to conduct the whole business according to the rights of the Germanic churches and the laws of the empire. Charles was un- der greater obligations to Frederic, than to any other of the German prin- ces. For it was principally by his efforts and zeal, that Charles had ob- tained the imperial dignity, in preference to his very potent rival, Francis I. king of France. (36) In order therefore to gratify both this friend, (to whom" he owed every thing), and likewise the pontiff, he determined to give Luther a hearing before the diet to be assembled at Worms, prior to the

he himself stated in a tract on the subject, of this appeal, the pope conld no longer have Amontj ihcrn were thcae, first, that his en- jurisdiction of the case. Hence the number emies had Inirned his books, and he must of Lu'fier''s friends increased the more, after burn theirs in order to deter the people from the publication of this bull. — Schl ] reverencina ihcm and being led astray by (35) On the rapid progress of the refor- them ; and secondly, that he had found tjiirty mation in Germaiiv, Da7i. Grrdcs treats par- abominable asstrti'ons, in the canon law, ticularly, in his Historia renovati Evanyelii, which rendered the book worthy of the flames, torn. ii. ; also Baj. Grosrh, in h;s Verihei- — Tr ] digiing der Evaiigelischen Kirche gcgen Ar-

(34)Both these S'///* are in the Bnllariiim, nold. p. 15fi. &C. [ed. Ckrruh , T.uxcmb., 1742, torn i., p. 610, (36^ [During the six months of the inter- Ac. p 014, Arc. — XT'] and also in Christ, regnum, Frcdfir. had been at the head of Mntth /'/'//'.v Histor. Theol litter., torn ii., the Germanic empire, had refused the impe- p 42, &c. [The excommunicating bull was rial crown offered to himself, and had great- an attack upon the rights of the German Iv exerted himself to secure the election of churches. For Lvthr.r had appealed to an Charles. — Tr.'\ ecclesiastical council ; and in consequence

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 31

passing of any decree against him. It may seem strange, and contrary to- ecclesiastical law, lor an ecclesiastical cause to be discussed and subject- ed to exainiiiatijii before a diet. But it must be recollected, that as the arciibishops, bishops, and some of the abbots, had seats among the princes^ those Germanic diets were at the same time provincial counciiS of the German nation, to which, according to ancient canon law, the trial of such causes as that of Luilier properly belonged.

§ 16. Lather therefore appeal ed at Worms, protected by a safe conduct from the emperor, and on tne 17th and ISlh of April boldly pleaded his cause before the diet. B(3ing called upon and admonished to renounce the opinions he had hitherto defended, and to become reconciled to the pope ; he replied with great constancy, that he would never do so, unless first convinced of error, by proofs from the holy scriptures or from sound reason. And, as neither promises nor menaces could move him from his purpose, he obtained indeed from the emperor the liberty of returning home unmolested, but after his departure, on the 27th of May, by the joint voices of the emperor and the princes, he and his adherents v/ere proscri- bed and declared to be enemies of the Roman-Germanic empire. His prince, Frederic, foreseeing this storm, caused him to be intercepted on his return near Eisenach, by persons in disguise, and to be conducted to the castle of Wartburg; (perhaps with the privity of the emperor) ; and in that castle, which he called his Patmos, he lay concealed ten months, beguiling the time very profitably with writing and study. (37)

(37) See the writers, mentioned by Jo. upon a bench before him, to be his produc- Alh. Fabricius, Centifolium Lutheranuin, pt. tions ; and whether he would recall the opin- i., cap. xliii., p. 79-84, and pt. ii., p. 563, ions contained in them. To the (irst qnes- &c. [This journey to Worms was a very tion, Luther was on the point of answer- perilous undertaking for L/^i/icr His friends ing at once affirmatively ; \ml T)t. Jerome advised him not to go ; and even the elec- Schurf, a jurist of Wittemberg, who had toral prmce his sovereign, did not allow hiin been assigned to him as his counsellor, re- to go. till he had obtained for him a safe con- minded him that he should first ascertain duct from the emperor. This safe conduct whether there were not some books among- however, would have afforded him no pro- them that were not his. 8o he heard the taction against the operations of the papal titles read over ; and then answered to the bulls and the snares of his enemies, if the first question, Yes. But to the second ques- high-ininded emperor had been willing to lis- tion, at the suggestion of his counsellor, he ten to those who whispered in his ear the requested to be' allowed till the ne.\t day, to inhuman and unchristian ma.Kim, that a man consider of his answer. The following day is not to keep his [)romise to a heretic. But he appeared, and the question being repeat- the emperor had no!>ler views ; and Lulhcr ed, he answered by making distinctions, himself was so unshaken, that he would let Some of his writings, he said, treated of a nothing deter him from the journey; and Christian's faith and'life, others were direct- when arrived in the territory of Worms, and ed airainst the papacy, and others against pri- some persons in the name of his friend Spat- vate individuals, who defended the Romish atm warned him of his danger, he replied, tvrannv, and assailed his holy doctrines. As that he would go thither, if there were as for the first, he could not renounce them, be- many devils there, as tiles on the roofs of cause even his enemies admitted that they their houses. He therefore proceeded fear- contained much good matter; nor could he lessly to Worms, and when there, showed renounce the second, because that would be indescribable fortitudf^. He was conducted, lerulinor sup|)ort to the papal tvranny ; in in his moiiki>h dress, from his lodgings to those of the third class, he freely acknowl- ihe assembled diet, by the marshal of the edged, that he had often been too vehement ; empire. Von Papp';nheim.; and two ques- yet he could not at once renounce them, un- tions were now put to him by the official of less it were first shown, that he had trone too the archbishop of Treves, namely, wheiher far As; the ofhcial now demanded of him he acknowledged those books, that were laid a categorical answer, whether he would re-

32 BOOK IV.- CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

§ 17. From this his Patmos, Luther returned to Wittemberg in the month of March, 1522, without the knowledge or consent of the elector Frederic ; beintr influenced by the commotions which, he was informed, Carolostmlt and^'others were producing hurtful to religion and the common- wealth. For in Luther's absence, Andrciu Carolostadt a doctor of VVittem- burg, a man of learning and not ignorant of the truth, whom the pontiff at the instigation o{ Eckius had excommunicated in conjunction with Luther, but a man of precipitancy and prone to an excess of ardour, had begun to destroy imafres, and had put himself at the head of a fanatical sect who in several places greatly abused, as is common, the dawning of liberty.(38)

nounce, or not ; he replied, that he could not, unless he was first convicted of error, either by scripture, or by reason. And the official alleging, that he must have erred, because he had contradicted the pope and the coun- cils ; he answered : The pope and ecclesi- astical councils have often erred, and have contradicted themselves. He at last closed with this declaration : Here I stand : I can sayno more : God help me. Amen. After this, Lncher appeared no more before the diet ; but the emperor caused him to be in- formed, that as he would not be reconciled to the church, the emperor would do as law required ; he must however repair to his usual residence, within 21 days. On the eighth of May, the bill of outlawry was drawn up against him ; which was published, a few days after his departure. {Pullavicini says, Hist.' concil. Trident., lib. i., c. 28, <^ 7, that the bill was drawn up May 25th, and signed May 26th, but dated back'to May 8th. The reason, it is said, was, that the bill was passed at the close of the diet, and when many of the members had retired, and it was wished to dis^ruise that fact. — Tr.) By virtue of this bill, after the 21 days of the safe conduct e.xpired, no man might har- bour or conceal Luther, on pain of treason ; but whosoever might find him. in any place, was to apprehend him, and deliver him up to the emperor ; and all his adherents were to be seized in the public streets, imprisoned and stripped of all their goods. This arbi- trary decree of the emperor contravened all the laws of humanity, as well as the rights of the German churches. For it required a man to renounce what he was not convinced was wrong ; and on the assumption of the infallibility of the pope, condemned him, against an intervening appeal to a council. This bill of outlawry however, produced very little effect; and indeed, the emperor does not seem to have been much in earnest in respect to it. For althontjh the perplexed stale of his affairs, the political movements of Europe, and the internal disquietude of his private territories, miaht call his atten- tion to very different subjects from the ex-

ecution of the edict of Worms, yet it is difficult to comprehend how LxUher could safely return to \Vittemberg, and there preach, and write, and teach, if the emperor did earnestly wish to give him trouble. Nay, he micrht easily have discovered his retreat at Wartburg. But probably the emperor took no pains to discover him, in order to avoid collision, either with the pontiff or the elector of 8a.xony. At Wartburg, Luther prosecuted the study of the Hebrew and Greek languages, commenced his German translation of the scriptures, expounded some portions of the Bible, composed his Postills, and some other works — Schl.]

(38) [Andrew Bodenstcin, born at Carl- stadt in Franconia, (and hence called in Latin Carolostadius), was a doctor of biblical learninor, a canon, and archdeacon of the church of All Saints at Wittemberg, and pro- fessor in the university there. He support- ed Luther in the work of reformation, as ap- pears from the history of the conference at Leipsic, and was highly esteemed by him, and is mentioned with praise in his writings. But in respect to the manner of effecting the reformation, these two men had very dif- ferent views. Carolostadt would have the abuses of popery abolished at once, but Lu- ther preferred a gradual process. The monks of Luther's fraternity at Wittemberg, the Au- gustinians, had, during his absence, begun, to reform their monastery, and to abolish the mass ; and thcv now wished to effect the same reform in the city. But the court were afraid lest it should give offence both to other princes and cities and also to the citizens themselves ; and the elector therefore, called for the opinion of the professors at Wittem- berg. Their opinion was in favour of abol- ishing the mass ; but this did not satisfy the court. Luther, whose opinion was also ask- ed, assumed the rational principle, that the reformation should commence, not with the pictures, nor with other external things, amoncr which he accounted the mass, but with the understandings of the people ; and to his opinion, all the profes^-ors now subscri- bed, except only Carolostadt. He gathered

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 33

He therefore first energetically repressed the impetuosity of this man, wisely declaring that errors must first be extirpated from people's minds, before the insignia of those errors can be advantageously removed. And to establish this principle by facts and by his own example, inviting certain learned men to aid him, he proceeded gradually to perfect and to finish the German translation of the Bible, which he had commenced. (39) The event confirmed the excellence of his plan ; for the parts of this work be- ing successively published and circulated, the roots of inveterate errors were soon extirpated from the minds of vast numbers.

§ 18. In the mean time, Leo X. died, A.D. 1522. Hadrian VI. of Utrecht, succeeded him, by the aid of Charles V., whose tutor he had been. He was an honest man, and so ingenuous as to confess that the Christian church laboured under ruinous maladies, and to promise readily that he would correct them. (40) • By his legate to the diet of Nuremberg, A.D.

around him the common people ; and as soon zung Lutheri ; which was published, with

as he thought himself strong enough, he notes, by Jo. Mclchor Gotze, Halle, 1772,

broke out, and with a throng of enthusiastic 4to, and Gottl. Christ. Giese, historische

followers rushed into the cathedral church, Nachricht von dieser Bibeliibersetzung ;

destroyed ihe pictures and the altar, and hin- published by Reiderer, Altdorf, 1771, 8vo.

dered the clergy from any longer saying mass. — Schl.'\

Melancthon was too timid to control this (40) See Casper Burmanri's Hadrianus uproar. Luther therefore came forward, VI. sive Analecla historica de Hadriano VI. preached against these violent innovations. Papa Romano ; Utrecht, 1727, 4to. [This and restored tranquillity. From that time is a collection of historical papers relating to onward, there was a coldness between Lu- the life of this pope. Hadrian was of hum- ther and Corolostadt, which at length broke ble parentage, but of great attainments in out into hostilities that were no honour to scholastic theology ; and therefore had long either of them. — Schi Luther has been filled the office of a professor at Louvain. taxed with opposing Carolostadt, from mo- He had a natural aversion to pomp, extrava- tives of ambition, or from unwillingness that gance, and luxury, and a very upright dispo- another should take the lead in any thing, sition. He therefore did not grasp the fire And this censure is repeated by Maclaine, and sword, in order to still the complaints Bower, &c. But SecA-entior/(Historia Lu- of the Germans, but commenced with the theranismi, lib. i., ^ 121, p. 197, 198), seems reformation of his own court, curtailed his to have confuted the charge ; which has no own table, dismissed all superfluous servants, support, except a single sentence in one of and required of the cardinals a more retired Luther'' s letters, in which he charges Carolo- life, and retrenchment in their expenses. stadt with wishing to be foremost ; a charge. But this was so displeasing to the Romans, which Me/anc/Aon advanced in quite as strong that they not only lampooned him much, du- terms. For an account of Carolostadt ^riov ring his lifetime, but spoke very ill of him to 1522, see Gerdes, Miscellan. Gromng., after his death. Indeed it has been suspect- torn, i., p. 1, &c. — Tr.] ed, that they were instrumental of his death. (39) A history of Luther's German trans- So gratifying to the Romish populace was lation of the Holy Scriptures, which contrib- his decease, that the night after it took place, uted more than any thing else to establish the front door of his principal physician was the Lutheran church, was published by Jo. decorated with a wreath of flowers, sur- Frcd Mayer, Hamb., 1701, 4to. A much mounted with the inscription : For the deliv- fuller history was long expected from Jo. erer of his country. — Schl. This pontiff Melchior Kraft, than whom no one laboured was deeply sensible of vast corruption in the upon the subject with greater care, assiduity, Romish church, and he was sincerely re- and success, during many years. But a solved to reform it, as fast as possible. In premature death frustrated our expectations, his instructions to his legate to the diet of Compare Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Centifolium Nuremberg, A.D. 1522, he authorized him Lutheranum, pt i., p. 147, &c., and pt. ii., to say : Scimus in hac sancta sede aliquot p. 617, &c. [What Kraft was prevented jam annis multa abominanda fuisse, abusus by a premature death from accomplishing, in spiritualibus, excessus in mandatis, et has since been performed, by Jo. Geo. Palm, omnia denique in perversum mutata. Nee in his Historic der teutchen Bibeliiberset- mirum si segritudo a capite in membra, a

Vol. III.— E

34 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

1522 and onward, Francis Cheregaii, he indeed earnestly entreated that the punishment decreed against Luther and his adherents by the edict of Worms mi'dit no Iono;er be delayed, but at the same time he showed him- self ready to correct the evils, wliich had armed so great an enemy against the church. The German princes deeming this a favourable opportunity^ while the emperor was absent in Spain, demanded a free council, which should be held in Germany, and should deliberate in the ancient manner on a general reformation of the church. They also exhibited a list of one hundred grievances, of which the Germans complained as proceeding from the Romish court ; and they passed a decree, forbidding any further innovations in religious matters, till the council should decide what ought to be done. (41) For so long as the princes of Germany were ignorant of the plans under consideration in Saxony for establishing a new church in opposition to that of Rome, they were pretty well united in opposing the pontifical power, which they all felt to be excessive ; nor were they much troubled about Liilhcr''s controversy with the pontiff, which they regarded merely as a private affair.

§ 19. The honest pont'iiT Hadrian, after a short reign [of two years and eight months], died [September 24th] in the year 1523 ; and was suc- ceeded on the 19th of November, by Clement VII., a man less ingenuous and open hearted. (42) By another legate Laurentius Campegius, in the same diet, A.D. 1524, Clement censured immoderately the lenity of the princes in tolerating Luther, at the same time craftily suppressing all no- tice of the promise of a reformation made by Hadrian. The emperor sec- onded the demands of Campegius, requiring by his minister that the de- cree of Worms should be confirmed. Overcome by these remonstrances the princes changed indeed the language of the decree, but in reahty cor- roborated it. For they engaged to enforce the edict of Worms to the ex- tent of their power, but at the same time renewed their demand for a council, and referred all other questions to the next diet to be held at Spire. After the diet, the pontifical legate retired with a number of the princes, most of whom were bishops, to Ratisbon ; and from them he ob- tained a prom.isc, that they would enforce the edict of Worms in their territories.

§ 20. While the religious reformation by Luther was thus daily gather- ing strength in almost all parts of Europe, two very serious evils arose to retard its progress, the one internal, and the other external. Among^ those whom the Romish bishop had excluded from the privileges of his community, a pernicioiR controversy, respecting the manner in which the body and blood of Christ are present in the sacred supper, produced very

summis pontificibus in alios infcriorcs prae- tia VIT., in Jo. Geo. Schdhor n' s Amcemta.tes

latos deacenderit. Oinnes nos (the prelates) Hist. Eccles., torn, ii , p. 210, &c. [Clem-

et ecclesiastici declinavimus, unnsquisque in enl VII. was a kind of Leo X., and was prc-

vias soas, nee fuit jam diu, qui facerct bo- viously called Julius dc Medids. He was

num, non fuit usque ad unum. See Ray- of a very different spirit from Hadrian, was

nald\s Armales Eccles., ad ann. 1522, <J 70. crafty and faithless, and made it his great

— Tr] aim through his whole reign to advance the

(41) .See Jac. Fred. George, Gravamina interests of the pontifical chair. He there- Germanorum adversus sedem Roman., lib. fore took all pains to thwart the designs of li., p. 327. [The Gravamina are also insert- the Germans in regard to a general council cd in Flacius, Catalogus Testium veritatis, for reforming the abuses of the papal court. No. 187.— Sc/i/.] See Watch's Hist, der Romischen Paipste,

(42) See Jac. Ziegler's Historia Clemen- 379, 6ic.—Schl.-}

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

35

•treat disunion. Luther and his adherents, while they rejected the dogma of the Romish school that the bread and wine are transmuted into the body and blood of Christ, yet maintained that persons coming to the sacred supper participated truly, though in an inexplicable manner, of the body and blood of Christ, together with the bread and the wine. (43) His colleague Carolostadt, held a different opinion. (44) And after him, Vlrich Ziomgle much more fully and ingeniously maintained in his publications, that the body and blood of the Lord are not present in the holy supper ; but that the bread and the wine are merely symbols or emhlems, by which people should be excited to commemorate the death of Christ and the blessings resulting to us from it. (45) As this doctrine was embraced by nearly all the Swiss,

(43) [Luther denied transubstantiation, that is, a transmutation of the substance of the bread and wine into the flesh and blood of Christ ; yet he held consuhstantiation, that is, a rear and corporeal presence of the body and blood of Christ in, uiidcr, or along with, the bread and wine ; so that the sacra- mental substances, after consecration, be- came each of them twofold ; namely, the bread became both bread and the flesh of Christ, and the wine became both wine and the blood of Christ. Sometimes however he represented the union of the two sub- stances in each element as constituting but one substance, just as the union of the divine and human natures in Christ, still constitu- ted but one -person. The ubiquity of Christ's body was an obvious consequence of his doc- trine, and one which he did not hesitate to admit. See Hospinian's Historia Sacra- mentaria, pt. ii., p. 5, &c. — Tr.']

(44) {Carolostadt supposed that when Christ said, This is my body, he pointed to his body ; so that the affirmation related solely to his real body and not to the sacra- mental bread. His foes charged him with denying any kind of presence of Christ in the sacrament, even a spiritual or sacramental presence. See Hospinian, I. c, p. 50, &c.

(45) See Val. Em. Loschefs Historia motuum inter Luthcranos et Reformatos, part i., lib., i., cap. ii., p. 55. And on the other side, Abrah. Scultetus, Annales Evan- gelii ; in Herm. von der Hardt^s Historia litterar. Reformat., p. 74, &c. Rnd. Hos- pinian, [Historia Sacramentaria, pt. ii.], and the others among the Reformed, who give account of the origin and progress of the controversy. — [The Romish doctrine of the real or corporeal presence of Christ in the eucharist, which was brought into the church principally by the efforts of Paschasius Rad- bert, in the ninth century, (see above, vol. ii., p. 89, &c.), but which was warmly contested by Bcrcngarius in the eleventh century, (see above, vol. ii , p. 193, &c.), and openly denied by Wickliffe in the fif-

teenth, (see above, vol. ii., p. 381, note 34), was too absurd, not to engage the attention of the reformers. As early as A.D. 1513, Conrad. Pelican and Wolfg. Fabr. Capito, in a private interview, disclosed to each other their conviction of the absurdity of this doc- trine. (See Gcrdes, Historia Evang. renov., tom. i., p. 113). Luther however, while he denied the Romish doctrine of transubstan- tiation, yet held to the real presence, in the way called consubstantiation. Most of the other reformers, especially in southern Ger- many and Switzerland, disbelieved the real or corporeal presence of Christ, and main- tained only a spiritual presence. Yet they did not think it expedient to write or preach on the subject, till the public mind should be ripe for such a discussion. Indeed they were not fully settled in their own minds, what form to give to the doctrine, or what in- terpretation to put upon the texts relied on in proof of the real presence. In the month of Jan., 1524, Zwinglc offered to the senate of Zurich 67 doctrinal theses ; in No. 18 ot which he declared the eucharist to be not a sacrifice (non esse sacrificium), but a com- memoration of the sacrifice once offered on the cross, and a seal of the redemption by- Christ (sed sacrificii in cruce semel obkt^ commemorationem et quasi sigillum redemp- tionis per Christum). (See Gerdes, 1. e.. Append., p. 223.) These theses were cor- dially adopted by the senate of Zurich ; and they met the general approbation of the Re- formed in that vicinity. As early as the year 1.^21, Cornelius Hone a learned Dutch jurist, in a letter which was privately circulated,, explicitly denied the corporeal presence, and maintained that the word is, in the declara- tion of Christ, This is my body, is equivalent- to represents or denotes. (See the Letter, in Gerdes, 1. c, Append., p. 228-240.)' This letter Zwingle first read in 1524 ; and approving of it perfectly, he the next year caused it to be published. In the same year, 1524, Zwingle wrote a letter to a friend, in which he fully declares his belief" that the bread and wine were merely em^

36

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

and by not a few divines in upper Germany, and as Luther and his friends on the other hand strenuously contended for his doctrine, a long and pain-

blems or representatives of Christ's body and blood : but he charged his friend not to make the letter pubhc, lest it should produce commotion. The letter however was pub- lished the next year. At Wittemberg, Ca- rolostadt was the first to reject and impugn the doctrine of the real presence. After his rebuke from Luther, (for destroying the al- tars and images at Witiemberg in 1522), he retired to OrTamund, not far from Leipsic ; and there becoming a })arish minister, he in- veighed against images and the mass, and denied the doctrine of the real presence. The people fell in with his views, to the great dissatisfaction of the elector and Lu- ther. Therefore in Aug., 1524, Luther was sent to reclaim the wandering people. At Jena he declaimed against the innovators, with great warmth. Carolostadt was pres- ent, and feeling himself injured by this public attack, went to Lulher^s lodgings and com- plained of his abuse. Hard words were used on both sides. Carolostadt taxed Lu- ther with erroneous doctrine, particularly in regard to the real presence. Luther chal- lenged him to a public controversy on the subject. Carolostadt accepted the challenge ; but being soon banished from Saxony, and retiring first to Strasburg and then to Basle, it was. from the last of these places he issued bis first publication. (See the account of the dispute at Jena, in Luther's works, vol. ii., fol. 446, &.C., ed. Jena, 1580.) Among the tracts here published by Carolostadt, one was entitled : On the words of Christ, This is my body. He supposed Christ to have pointed to his body, when he uttered these words ; and to have intended to indicate, that the sacramental bread was an emblem of his body. Luther now wrote to the Stras- burgers, against Carolostadt. Capita and Bucer both published tracts on the dispute between Luther and Carolostadt, endeavour- ing to exhibit the difference in doctrine as not material, and to stop controversy on the subject. But early the next year, 1525, Lu- ther issued his full and keen reply to Carol- ostadt, entitled. Against the heavenly Proph- ets, in two Parts. CErolampadius, Zwingle, and others in South Germany and Switzer- land, viewed Carolostadt as substantially correct in doctrine, but not happy in his statements and reasonings. Zvinglc com- pared hirn to a new recruit, who did not know how to put on his armour. And as the subject of ihe eucharist was now under discussion, and the writings of both Luther and Carolostadt circulating around them, they deemed it proper to engage in the con-

troversy, and endeavour to enlighten and guide their people to right conclusions. Both Q^colampudius and Zwingle therefore pub- lished their views of the controversy. And in March, 1525, Zwingle published his Com- mentarius de vera et falsa religione ; in. which he distinctly, but concisely, stated his views of the eucharist. And in June fol- lowing, he enlarged on that point, in his Subsidium de eucharistia. (Ecolampadms's principal publication was in the form of a letter addressed to his friends in Swabia, and entitled a Genuine exposition of the words of our Lord, This is my body, according to the most ancient authors. Zwingle and (Ecolampadius both maintained the bread and wine to be mere symbols or representa- tives of Christ's body and blood. But they differed as to the interpretation of the words, This is my body. Zwingle adopted Hone's opinion, that the word is, is used catachres- tically, for represents ; but (Ecolampadius placed the trope on the word body, supposing it to be used metonymically, for memorial or emblem of my body. Bugenhagius of Wit- temberg, now wrote against Zwingle and (Ecolampadius ; and Zwingle replied to him. In the year 1526, Brentius and four- teen other ministers of Swabia replied to (Ecolampadius, in a work entitled Syngram- ma Sucvicum ; which was soon translated into German, and published with a harsh preface by Luther. (Ecolampadius and Zwingle both replied to Luther's preface. Lvthcr now published his sermon against the Enthusiasts ; to which Zwingle wrote two letters in reply. Martin Bucer also wrote to Brentius and the other Swabians, censu- ring their indiscreet zeal. On the other side, Jo. Pomeranus of Wittemberg published a letter against Zwingle and the Reformed ; to which Zwingle and also Michael Ccllarius of Augsburg replied. Conrad Pellican and Leo Juda appeared on the side of the Re- formed ; and Erasmus, BHianus, and Osi- ander, on that of the Lutherans. In the year 1527, Zwingle addressed a work to Luther, entitled Arnica exegesis, id est, expositio eucharistiffi ncgotii. And about the same time Luther published his very severe Ger- man work, entitled, That the words of Christ, This is my body, still stand fast, against the enthusiastic spirits. (Ecolampadius rc\)V\cii, and also Zwingle : the latter, in a German work, entitled. That the words of Christ, &,c., will ever have their ancient and only meaning, and that M. Luther, in his last work, has not substantiated his and the pope's sense. In this year Pomeranus, Pirkheime-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 37

ful controversy commenced in the year 1524, which at last, after many fruitless attempts at a compromise, produced a lamentable schism among those that seceded from the papal jurisdiction.

§ 21. Extraneous to the Lutheran community, there arose in the year 1525, like a sudden tornado, an innumerable multitude of seditious and de- lirious fanatics, in various parts of Germany, who declared war against the laws and the magistrates, and spread rapine, conflagration, and slaugh- ter through the community. The greatest part of this furious rabble con- sisted of peasants, who were discontented under the government of their lords; and hence this calamity has been commonly called the war of the peasants. {4i6) Yet it is manifest, there were not a few persons of various

rus, Clicktovius, and bishop Fisher of Eng- diet of Augsburg ; all drawn up with mod- land, came out against the Reformed ; but eration and care. The princes perceived Regius and Billicanns espoused their cause, their agreement in all essential points, and In I528, Luther published his most method- were disposed to admit the Reformed to the ical work on this subject, entitled a Confes- league. But Luther and Melancthon op- sion of faith respecting the Lord's Supper : posed it, and prevailed. Fhihp however, to which both CEcolampadius and Zwmgle landgrave of Hesse, entered into a league replied; the latter in a long and elaborate with the Reformed for mutual defence against work, addressed to John elector of Saxony the papists. And Slrasburg, Zurich, Basle, and Philip landgrave of Hesse. Bucer also and Bern formed an alliance for the same replied to it. And CEcolampadius wrote to purpose, for fifteen years. In this year, Me- Melancthon, requesting him to use efforts lancthon published his testimonies from the for moderating the hostility of the Lutherans fathers in favour of the real presence ; and towards the Reformed, who only claimed CEco/amj^af/ms replied elaborately in the form toleration and broiherly affection. " In 1529, of a dialogue. In 1531, Zwingle and (Eco- several letters passed between (Ecolampadi- lampadius both died ; and the Reformed us and Melancthon. The Strasburgers and weakened by the loss of these two great men, Erasmus also exchanged polemic letters on and pressed with danger from the papists, the doctrine. In September of this year, against whom their Lutheran brethren would Philip landgrave of Hesse, invited the Lu- not befriend them so long as they denied the theran and Reformed champions to a friend- real presence, began to waver and try to ly conference at Marpurg. The Lutherans swallow the Lutheran creed. Bucer led the reluctantly attended, being resolved not to way ; and the Strasburgers followed him. make peace with those who should deny the The controversy subsided in a great meas- real presence, and despairing of convincing ure. Yet the Swiss and numerous others the Reformed on that subject. Luther, Me- continued to deny the real corporeal pres- lancthon, and Justus Jonas, from Saxony, ence of Christ in the eucharist. This con- Andrew Os^iander of Nuremberg, Brentius troversy it was, produced the division of the of Halle in Swabia, and Stephen Agricola of Protestants into the two great bodies of Lu- Augsburg, were present, on the side of the thcrans and Reformed. See, for the facts Lutherans. On the side of the Reformed, here condensed, the authors mentioned at Zwingle, CEcolampadius, Bucer and Hedio, the beginning of this note, and SchroecWs attended without hesitation. In the discus- Kirchengeschichte seit der Reformation, vol. sion, Luther and CEcolampadius were pitted i., p. 351, &c., and p. 420, &c. — Tr.] against each other; and also Zujmo'/c and Me- (46) Such insurrections of the peasants lancthon. They agreed perfectly, on fourteen had been very common, before the times of essential articles of faith ; but could not agree Luther; as appears from numerous exam- respecting the real presence. The landgrave pies. Hence the author of the Chronicon wished them, nevertheless, to view each Danicum, published by Jo. Pe^ a L^rfeicij?-, other as brethren. Zwingle and his friends Reliquar. Manuscriptor. torn, ix., p. 59, calls heartily consented ; but L;i/;/icr refused. In them the common evil {commune malum). November of this year, the Lutheran states See also p. 80 and 133. This will not ap- entered into an alliance, called the league of pear strange, if it be recollected, that the Smalcald ; but refused to admit the Stras- condition of the peasants in most places, burgers and the other Reformed cities and was much more insupportable than at the states into it. In 1530, the Lutherans, the present day ; and that the oppression of Strasburgers, and also Ziomgle, severally many of the barons, prior to the reformation, presented confessions of their faith to the was really intolerable. [In many places the

38 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

descriptions engaged in it ; some were fanatics, others vicious and idle persons allured by the hope of living comfortably on the fruits of other people's labour. This sedition, at its commencement, was altogether of a civil nature ; as appears from the paper published by them : for tiiese peas- ants only wished to be relieved of some part of their burdens, and to enjoy greater freedom. Respecting religion, there was no great dispute. But when the fanatic Thomas Munzer, who had before deceived several by his ficticious visions and dreams, and some other persons of a similar charac- ter, had joined this irritated multitude, from being a civil commotion, it became, especially in Saxony and Thuringia, a religious or holy war. The sentiments however of this dissolute and infuriate rabble were very different. Some demanded an unintelligible freedom from law, and the abrogation of all lordships ; others only wished to have their taxes and their burdens as citizens made lighter ; others contemplated the formation of a new and perfectly pure church, and pretended to be inspired ; and others again were hurried away by their passions and their hatred of the magistrates, but without having any very definite object in view. Hence, though it must be admitted that many of them misunderstood Luther's doctrine concerning Christian liberty, and thence took occasion to run wild, yet it is a great mistake, to ascribe to the influence of Luther's doc- trines all the blame of this phrensy. Indeed Luther himself sufficiently re- futed this calumny, by publishing books expressly against this turbulent faction. The storm subsided, after the unfortunate battle of the peasants with the army of the German princes, at Mulhausen A.D. 1525, in which Munzer was taken prisoner and subjected to capital punishment. (47)

peasants were treated as slaves or serfs, and commenced in the year 1524, and in Swabia,

bought and sold with the lands to which they where some subjects of the spiritual princes,

were attached. And the landlords, the bar- civil dukes, and nobles, complained of their

ons, bishops, abbots, and priests, were gen- heavy burdens and feudal services, and de-

crally disposed to oppress and grind their manded a relaxation, llieir lords repulsed

tenants to the utmost. Hence they were them harshly, cast some of them into prison,

perpetually rebelling, in one place and an- and even put some to death. This enkin-

other. Thus A.D. 1492, the Nethcrland died their rage; and presently a host of

peasantry appeared in arms, to the number peasants were to be seen in Swabia and

of 6000 ; and about the same time, there Franconia. who roamed from one district to

was an insurrection against the abbot of another, and united the disaffected to their

Kempten in Swabia. In the bishopric of standard. Their rulers now gave them kind

Spire, there was another in 1503 ; and one words : but it was too late ; and they refused

at ^^'iltemburg, in 1514. The next year, to lay down their arms, till certain articles

there was one in the Austrian dominions, in were conceded to them. Among these, the

which 2000 peasants were slain. It spread first was, the right of electing their own

into Hungary and some other countries, 400 preachers. And this was the onlv article

of the nobility and genti7 were butchered by that related to religion. They wished for

the ipsurgents ; and the whole number that preachers, who would have no respect of

perished on both side«, was estimated at persons. Yet they afterwards dropped this

70,000. In 1517, there was another on the demand. They demanded, further, the ab-

bordcrs of Austria and Croatia. See .Scc^- olition of personal slavery. The tithe of pro-

cndor/'s Comment, de Lutheranismo, lib. ducc they were willing to pay ; but it must

ii., sec. 1. — Tr.] go to the support of the preachers and the

(47) Peter Gnodalius, Historia de sedi- poor, and to promote the public interests of

tione repcntina vuliri, pra^cipue rusticorum the people and the country. From the tithe

A.D. 1525, tempore verno. per universam of rattle, or the lesser tithe, they demanded

fere Gcrmaniam exorla ; Basil, 1570, 8vo. to be made free. They also demanded, that

See also Ern Salnin. Cyprian's additions hunting and fishing should be free in the pub-

to Tenters Historia Reformat, tom. ii , p. lie forests, seas, and rivers; and the cntlin'j

331, &c. [This coinuioiion of the peasants of timber hkewise ; and required a duninu-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 39

§ 22. When tins alarming insurrection was at its height, Frederic the Wise, Elector of Saxony, closed life A.D. 1525. While he lived he had been a kind nnediator between the Roman pontiff and Luther ; nor would he give up the hope, that a righteous and honourable peace might fmal- ly be established between the contending parties, vvithout the formation of separate communities under different regulations. Hence he did not thwart, but even favoured Luther^s designs of purifying and reformin"- the church ; yet he took little pains to organize and regulate the churches in his territories. John his brother and successor, was of a very different character. Being fully satisfied of the truth of Luther^s doctrines, and clearly perceiving that either those doctrines must be sacrificed or the pa- pal authority be discarded, he assumed to himself the entire jurisdiction in religious matters ; and had no hesitation to establish and organize a church totally distinct from that of the pontiff. He therefore caused regulations in regard to the constitution and government of the churches, the form and mode of public worship, the official duties and the salaries of the clergy, and other things connected with the interests of religion, to be drawn up by Luther and Philip Melancthon, and to be promulgated in

tion of the personal services to be rendered ta, sec. x., p. 218, &c., and FuessIVs Bey- to their landlords; and a reduction of the trage, vol. v., p. 136, 410.) He wished to fines and penalties imposed, &c. At the abolish all distinctions of rank, and all sub- same time, they declared that they would ordination, and to introduce a perfect equality withdraw their demands, and return to obe- in society ; and he believed, that Christ him- dience to their lords, if it could be shown self would soon come and set up the heavenly that their demands were unreasonable ; for Jerusalem on the earth, in which there would they were not insensible, that the scriptures be no civil laws, no penalties, no burdens im- required obedience to magistrates. (See posed, &.c. x\s he met with resistance gen- their own statement of their grievances, in erally, in Saxony, he travelled over Thurin- X?^<Aer's works, ed. Jena, 1580, vol. iii., folio gia, Franconia, and Swabia, as far as the 111, followed by Luther's comments and ex- boundaries of Switzerland ; and he blew the hortations to the peasants. — Tr.) They fire of msurrection every where by his influ- named Luther for their arbiter ; and he en- ence, until it finally burst into a flame. — dcavoured to enlighten them, by his sermons Sckl. Meeting opposition at the south, he and writings. But the rulers themselves returned to the north and headed the insur- were the cause of the spread and prevalence gents of Thuringia, hoping for co-operation of the insurrection. Fair promises were from those of S Arabia. But the Swabian in- made to such as would lay down their arms ; surgents were attacked and slaughtered in but the promises were not fulfilled; nay, their several camps, to the number, it is said, many were violently seized, and put to death, of 70,000. In the mean time, those of Thu- In this state of things, fanatics came amoncr rinma, to the number of 8000, were assem- them, and prompted the irritated multitude bled at Mulhausen, with Mihizcr for their to renew their first demand, to aim higher, prophet and leader. The neighbouring and to wage war against the clergy and no- princes offered them capitulation, which they bility with the greatest cruelty. The most refused, relying on the assurance oi Milnzcr prominent of these fanatics were Thomas that God would miraculously destroy their Munzer, and one Pfciffer, a renouncing Prs- adversaries, and preserve them. In the bat- monstratensian monk. Mwizcr was a friend tie, 4000 of the peasants (some say more) of those visionaries, Nicholas Stor/c, Mark were slain. Mimzer and Pfc/Jfcr were ta- Slubner, and Martin CcUarius, who had ken and beheaded. Thus ended this war of commenced the disturbances at Wittemberg the peasants, in the summer of 1525; in under the patronage of Carolosfadf, but who which, according to some, near 130,000 per- wcre e.xpelled from Wittemberg on Luther's sons lost their lives. Sec Scckendorf, Coin- return thither from Wartburg. He had been ment. de Lutheranismo, lib. ii., sec. i., &c. a preacher at Zwickau and at Altstadt,. and Schrocckh, Kirchengesch. seit der Reform., Jiad clearly shown, by his writings and his vol. i., p. 339, &c., and ArnoltVs Kirchen- sermou?, that he was not satisfied with Lu- und Ketzer Historie, pt. ii., b. xvi., c. VL, ^Acr'^ reformation. (See LtescAer'.? Stroma- vol. i., p. 626-630, ed. 1741.— Tr ]

40 BOOK JV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

the year 1527 by his deputies : and he likewise took care that pious and competent teachers should be placed over all the churches, and that un- suitable ones should be excluded. His example was soon followed by the other princes and states of Germany that had cast otT the dominion of the Roman pontiff; so that nearly the same institutions as he had introduced, were adopted by them. This prince may therefore not improperly be con- sidered the second parent and founder of the Lutheran church ; since he it was, who gave it salutary regulations and the supports of law, and sep- arated it wholly from the Romish church. But it was from the times of this elector John, that the dissensions of the German princes in regard to religious and ecclesiastical subjects had their commencement, having previ- ously been very slight. The prudence of Frederic the Wise, had kept their minds under restraint, and in a good degree united. But when the various proceedings of John made it obvious, that he designed to separate the churches of his territory entirely from the church of Rome, instantly the minds of the princes which had heretofore moved in tolerable harmony, became at variance, some adhering strongly to the old religion of their fathers, and others embracing cordially the reformed religion.

§ 23. The patrons of the old religion, without much disguise, consulted together respecting an attack to be made upon the Lutheran party by force and arms. And they would undoubtedly have carried their plans into oper- ation, if they had not been prevented by the troubled state of Europe. The leading men among those that embraced the reformed religion, perceiving the designs of the other party, began also to consult together about form, ing an alliance among themselves. (48) The diet of Spire in 1526, at which Ferdinand the emperor's brother presided, had a more favourable issue than could have been anticipated. The emperor by his envoys, re- quired that all contentions respecting religious subjects should cease, and that the edict of Worms against Luilicr and his associates should be con- firmed. But many of the princes declared that it was not in their power to carry this edict into operation, or to pass any definite decisions on the sub- ject, until a general council duly assembled should have examined and judged the case ; for to such a body it pertained, to take the cognizance of such matters. This sentiment prevailed, after long and various discus- sions ; and a unanimous resolve was passed, that a petition should be pre- sented to the emperor, urging him to call a free council without delay ; and that in the mean time, every one should be at liberty to manage the religious concerns of his own territory in the manner he saw fit, yet under a due sense of his accountability to God and to the emperor, for the course he might pursue.

§ 24. Nothing could have taken place more favourable to the cause of

(48) [The war of the peasants had caused remberg to meet them at Torgau for such a

repeated consultations between the neicrh- consultation. The senate excused itself;

bourincr princes. And when the dan(ror from but tiie two princes met on the 4th of May,

that source began to diminish, the indications and entered into an alliance for mutual dc-

of a combination among the Catholic prin- fence, much the same as the league of Smal-

ces under the countenance of the emperor, cald a few years after. They also invited

led the Lutheran princes and states to hold other Lutheran states, to come into this al-

correspondence and conventions, and at liance ; which was renewed at Magdeburg,

length to form alliances. In the winter of on the 12ih of .June of the same year. See

1526, the elector of Saxony and the land- SfcArenrfor/, Comment, de Lutheranismo, lib.

grave of Hesse, invited the senate of Nu- ii., (J 15, addit. ii.— Tr.]

HISTORY OF THE REFOllMATION. 41

those who deemed a rchgious reformation necessary than this decree. For the emperor was so occupied and perplexed with his French, Spanish^ and Itahan affairs, that during several years, he could not give much at- tention to the affairs of Germany, and especially to the difficult subject of religion. And if he had been able to do something favourable to the pon- tifical interests, during the religious disputes in Germany, he doubtless lacked the inclination. For the Roman pontiff Clement VH., after Francis I. the king of France had been vanquished, dreading the power of the emperor in Italy, entered into an alliance with the French and the Vene- tians against him : and this so inflamed the resentment of Charles, that he abolished the pontifical authority throughout Spain, made war upon the pope in Italy, captured the city of Rome in 1527, by his general Charles of Bourhon, besieged the pontiff himself in the castle of St. Angclo, and permitted him to be treated with much personal abuse and indignity. (49) The professors of the reformed religion therefore, improved this opportu- nity and [the liberty given by] the edict of Spire, with great advantage, for strengthening and extending their cause. Some whom the fear of punish, ment had hitherto restrained from attempting any innovations, now un- hesitatingly banished the old superstition from their territories, and caused such a system of religion and such forms of worship to be introduced as^ had been adopted in Saxony. Others, though they did not themselves at- tempt anything against the papal interests, yet gave no molestation ta such as persuaded their people to renounce the pontiff; nor did they op- pose the assembling in private of such as had withdrawn from his allegi- ance. And all those in Germany who had before rejected the Romish au- thority, now carefully employed the liberty afforded them, to strengthen their cause, and to regulate properly their religious affairs. During this period, Luther and his associates, especially those who resided with him at Wittemberg, by their writings, their preaching, their admonitions, and. their refutations, added courage to the irresolute, and imparted light and animation to all. (50)

(49) [See Wm. Robertsmi's History of the salaries of all. They were also to ap- the reign of the emperor Charles v., vol. ii., point superintendents; who were to be (book iv.). Jo. Sl.eidan's Commentar. de competent clergymen, commissioned to ex- statu relig. et reipubl., lib. iv., and others, amine all young ministers, and to watch — Schl.'\ over the clergy within certain limits, to ad-

(50) [It was in this interval, or from A. D. monish the unfaithful, and if they did not 1526, that the elector of Saxony caused the reform, to report them to the civil authori- noted visitation of the churches throughout ties, that the sovereign might call them to his dominions. Luther being sick, Melanc- account or dismiss them as he saw fit. The than with the aid of two or three civilians visiters were also to see that schools were drew up the instructions to the visiters, set up in all the parishes, and provided with The elector's territories were divided into competent teachers ; to assign the salaries four districts, and different sets of visiters of the masters ; and to prescribe rules and appointed for each, consisting of one or two regulations for the schools. They were di- clergymen and three or more civilians. Lu- reeled, not to spare the vicious and profli- ther was the clerical visiter for Saxony prop- gate ; but to deal tenderly with the ignorant,. er ; and Melancthon was a visiter for Mis- the aged, and infirm, and such as laboured nia. The visiters were to take account of under honest prejudices. They must cause the state of all the parishes, monasteries, the true faith, and sound practical religion schools and cathedrals. They were to ex- to be everv where preached : and if they amine into the character and conduct of all found any, that conscientiously desired other the clergy, the monks, and school teachers ; preaching, they were to afford them every with power to remove improper men, to sup- facility to remove to places where ihey could ply vacancies, and to assign and regulate enjoy it. Similar visitations were instituted

Vol. hi.— F

42

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.-CHAP. II.

§ 25. Tliis tranquillity was interrupted by the second diet of Spire in 1529, which the emperor called in the spring, after settling in some meas- ure the disquieted atfairs of his empire, and coming to a compromise with the pontiff CIcvient VII. For a decree was passed by a major vote, by which the power granted three years before to every prince to regulate religious matters in his own territories as he saw fit until the meeting of a general council, was revoked ; and all changes in the public religion were declared to be unlawful, until the decision of the council should take place. This decree could not fail to appear grievous and insupportable to the elector of Saxony, the landgrave of Hesse, and the other patrons of the reformation. For no one could be so ignorant as not to know, that the promises of a council to be soon assembled, were intended only to sooth their feelinfrs ; and that any thing could be sooner obtained of the Roman pontiff, than a legitimate and free council. Therefore, when they found that their arfruments and reasonings made no impression upon Ferdinand^ the emperor's brother who presided in the diet, and upon the adherents to the old religion, who were guided by the pontifical legate ; they publicly remonstrated against this decree, or in the language of the jurists, they protested against it, on the 19th of April, and appealed to the emperor and to a future council. Hence originated the name of Protestants, borne from this time onward by those who forsook the communion of the Roman

pontiff.(51)

§ 26. The protectors of the reformed churches, or the Protestant prin- ces as they were called, immediately despatched envoys to the emperor, then on his way from Spain to Italy, to acquaint him with the stand they had taken at the diet of Spire. But these envoys, fulfilling their commis. sion in a manly style, and daring to manifest the same firmness as those who sent them, were put under arrest by order of the emperor, and were held in that situation for a number of days. The princes anxious for the reformation, on learning this fact, concluded that their own safety depended wholly on their union and their power to defend themselves ; and therefore they held several conventions at Rothach, Schwabach, Nuremberg, Smal- cald, and other places, for the purpose of entering into a closer al-

by other Luthpran princes. On his return to every impartial judge. For they believed,

from this visitation, Lufher was so impressed that a majority of votes in a diet could de-

wilh the ignorance of both the clergy and cide a secular question, but not a spiritual

laity, in a large part of the country, that he or religious question. They appealed to the

sat'down to^rite his catechisms for their emperor, not as recognising him as their

use. See an account of this visitation in judge in a matter of religion, but merely

Seckcndorps Comment, de T>utheranis., lib. that he might allow their appeal to a coun-

ii. 6 36. 37, p. 11)0-108. Tr.] cil to be valid. And they subjoined the ap-

'(.51) [The princes and states which joined peal to a council, because, according to the in this protest, were, the elector Juhn of ecclesiastical law of Germany, religious con- Saxony, the margrave Gcnnre of Branden- troversies arc not to be decided by de- burg, o'nolzbach "and Culmbach, the dukes crces of a diet, but by a national council. Ernest and Francis of Luneburg, the land- We may also here remark, that this was not grave Pliilip of Hesse, Wolfsravfr prince of the first protest; but that in the year 1523. Anhalt; and fourteen imperial cities, name- at the diet of Nuremlierg, the elector of Iv, S'rasburfT, Ulm, Nurciuhcr<r, Constance, Saxony, and the evangelical dukes, and im- Reutliniren, Windsheim, Mrmmin^en, Lin- perial cities, protested arrainst the decree dav, Kcmptrn, Halhron. Isvy, Wrisscn- of the diet. See Dr. Walch's Diss. His- bunr, NordIin<rcn. and St. Gall. They ap- torica dc liberis imperii civitatibus a pace pealed to the emperor, to a future general or religionis nunquam exclusis, Getting., 1755 free council of the German nation, and lastly 4to. — Schl.^

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 43

liancc for repelling the attacks of their enemies. But nothing definite was agreed upon, in consequence of the diversity of their opinions and views. (52)

§ 27. Among the hitiderances to a cordial union among those who withdrew from the Romish church, the greatest was the disagreement be- tween the Saxon and Helvetic reformers, respecting the Lord's supper. Hence in order to bring this controversy to a close, Philip landgrave of Hes- se, appointed a conference between Luther and Zwingle and some other principal doctors of both parties, to be held at Marpurg in 1529, with a view to a compromise. But this truly magnanimous prince, as he was properly styled, was disappointed in his expectations. The assembled theologians disputed in presence of the landgrave, four days, or from the first day of October till the fourth, and particularly Luther with (Ecola7npadius, and Melancthon with Zwingle, on the various allegations against the Helvetians. For Zwingle was regarded by the Saxons, as not only teaching falsely re- specting the Lord's supper, but as holding erroneous views respecting the divinity of the Saviour, the efficacy of the divine word, original sin, and some other subjects. Zwingle and his companions replied to these accu- sations, in such a manner as to satisfy Luther in regard to most of them. But the disagreement respecting the Lord's supper, could not be at all re- moved, both parties firmly persisting in their respective opinions. (53) The only advantage therefore derived from the conference, was, that the parties entered into a kind of truce, and depended on God and the influ- ence of time to heal the dissension.

§ 28. The ministers of the churches which embraced the doctrines of Luther, were preparing a new embassy to the emperor, when it was an- nounced that he was coming into Germany, and intended to examine and decide the controversies respecting religion, at the diet to be held at Augs- burg. For the emperor, after learning the opinions of wise men respect- ing the momentous business, had become softened down in his feelings, and had laboured with great earnestness, first at Bologna, to persuade the pontiff* of the necessity of calling a council. But being utterly unable to prevail, and the pontiff urging, in return, that it was the emperor's duty to succour the church, and to punish without delay the perverse faction of the heretics ; he came to the conclusion that it would be unjust, and a vio- lation of the imperial laws of Germany, to condemn worthy citizens un- heard, and to make war upon them. At that time there was not extant

(52) See Christ. Aug. Salig^s History of ria, part ii., p. 72, &c. [See above, p. the Augsburg Confession ; written in Ger- 37, note (45). Hospiniari's History con- man, torn, i., lib. ii., cap. i., p. 128, but tains, (pt. ii., page 123, &c., ed. Geneva, especially, Jo. Joach Mullcr''s Historic von 1681), the whole proceedings of the confer- der Evangelischen Stande Protestation ge- ence, by Rodolph Collin, a schoolmaster of gen den Speyerschen Reichsabschied von Zurich who attended Zwingle to Marpurg, 1529, Appellation, &c., Jena, 1705, 4to. took minutes of all the discussions, and then

(53) Val. Em. Laischcfs Historia mo- filled them out into a regular account ; like- tuuni inter Lutheranos et Reformatos, torn, wise, accounts of this conference, given in i., lib. i., cap. vi., p. 143, &c. Henry Bui- private letters to their friends, by Me'anc- lingcr's Historia Colloquii Marpurgensis, in thon, (p. 132 and 134), by Luther, (p. 135), Jo. Conr. FucsUn's Beytragen zurSchweit- by (Ecolumpadius, (p. 137), and by Bucer, zer. Reformat. Geschichte, vol. iii., p. 156 ; (p. 138) : also a reply of the ministers of also Fucslin's i'reface, p. 80. Abrah. Sail- Zurich A.T). 1544, to false reports respect- tetiis, Annales Reformat, ad ann. 1529. ing the conference. — TV".]

Hudolph Hospinian's Historia Sacramenta-

44 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

any good formula of the religion professed by Luther and liis friends, from which might be learned clearly what were their views on religious subjects, and what the grounds of their opposition to the Roman pontiffs ; and as the approaching solemn investigation of the whole subject, rendered such a paper exceedingly necessary, John the elector of Saxony directed Luther and some other of the most eminent doctors, to draw up a brief summary of the doctrines of the reformed religion. Luther conceived that the seventeen articles agreed to in the convention at Schwabach, in the year 1529, were sufficient ; and accordingly he exhibited them to the elector at Torgau ; whence they were called the Articles of Torgau.{bA) From these articles as the basis, Philip Melancthon, by order and authority of the princes, drew up and put into more free and agreeable language, part- ly at Coburg and partly at Augsburg, holding consultation all the while with Luther, that confession of faith which is called the Augsburg Confession. § 29. During these transactions, there was scarcely any part of Europe, on which the light of the religious reformation by Luther did not shed its radiance, and likewise animate with the hope of regaining its liberty. Some of the more important countries, also, had now openly rejected the Romish institutions and prescriptions. The Romish bishop therefore had sufficient reason, to represent to the emperor the necessity of hastening the destruction of the factious people, and to fear the overthrow of his whole empire. Not long after the commencement of Luther'' s attack upon the Romish church, Olaus Petri a disciple of Luther, first imbued the Swedes with a knowledge of the truth. His efforts were nobly seconded by Gustavus Vasa, whom the Swedes, after expelling Chrisiiern king of Denmark, had created king [A.D. 1523-1561], and who was a heroic prince, and very zealous for the public good. He had been in exile while Christiem was laying waste his country, and had acquired at Lubec some knowledge of the Lutheran religion, which he considered not only as the true religion of the scriptures, but also as salutary for Sweden in its pres- ent state. That he might not appear to do any thing rashly, while the minds of the people were distracted between the old religion and the new, and not to depart from the principles of the Lutheran religion, he deter- mined to proceed gradually and with caution. He therefore first invited learned men from Germany who were competent teachers, and directed them to instruct the people in a knowledge of the Bible ; and he caused the holy scriptures as translated by Olaus Petri, to be published and dissemi- nated. He next, in the year 1526, directed this translator of the Swedish Bible, to hold a public discussion on religious subjects at Upsal, with Peter Gallius, a strenuous defender of popery. And Gallius being vanquished in the discussion, he at length in the assembly of the states at Westeras, A.D. 1527, so powerfully and judiciously recommended the reformed r«- .igion of Luther to the representatives of the nation, that, after long dis- cussions and strenuous opposition from the bishops, it was harmoniously decreed, that the reformed religion should be introduced. This decision was the effect especially, of the firmness and resolution of the king ; who

(54) See Christ. August. Hcumann's the reformation and of the Aupsburg Con-

Diss. de lenilatc Antrustanse Confess, in the fession. [For instance, Jo. Geo. Watch's

Syjloge Dissert. Theolocjicar., torn i., p. Introdiictio in I>ibros Eccles. Lnth. symbol-

14, &.C. Jo. Joach. Mulicr^s Historia Pro- icos, lib. i., c. iii., ^ 2-9. — Tr.] testationis ; and most of the historians of

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 45

declared publicly, that he would rather resign his crown and retire from the kingdom, than rule over a people subjected to the laws and the author- ity of the Roman pontiff, and more obedient to their bishops than to their king.(55) From this time onward therefore, the whole power of the Ro- man pontiffs among the Swedes was entirely prostrate.

§ 30. ChrlsLlan II., commonly called Chrisliern, king of Denmark [A.D. 1513-1523], who was, either from natural temperament or from the influ- ence of bad counsels, an oppressive and cruel monarch, endeavoured to im- bue the Danes with a knowledge of the Lutheran religion as early as the year 1521. For he first invited Martin Reynhard, a disciple of Carolostadt, from Saxony in the year 1520, and made him professor of theology at Co- penhagen; and on his leaving the kingdom iji 1521, he invited Carolostadt himself to Denmark ; who however soon returned to Germany. The kino- even invited Luther to come to Denmark, but without success ; and he adopted other measures, calculated to subvert the authority of the Roman pontiff in his territories. But in all this, Christiern was not actuated by zeal for true religion, but by the desire of increasing his own power and grandeur. At least, it seems evident from his conduct, that he patronised the Lutheran religion in order to obtain by it absolute dominion, and to wrest from the bishops their possessions and their power.(56) But his projects were unsuccessful. For the different orders of the realm con- spired against him in 1523, and deposed and banished him from the king- dom, on account of his various acts of cruelty and oppression, and partic ularly for his attempts to destroy the hberties of Denmark and to abolish the estabUshed religion. (57) In place of him, Frederic duke of Holstein and Sleswick, uncle to Christiern, was called to the throne.

§ 31. This Frederic the successor of Christiern, [A.D. 1523-1533J, proceeded with more prudence and moderation. He permitted George

(55) Jo. Baaz, Inventarium Eccl. Sueo- monarchy ; and the power of the kings was

Gothorum, Lincoping, 1642, 4to. Abrah. greatly limited by the council of the'^state,

Sculteius, Annales Evangelii renovaii ; in which consisted partly of clero-ymen, and

Herm. von der Hardfs Historia litter. Re- partly of civilians. The civil ''counsellors

format., pars v., p. 83 and 110, &c. Ray- were from the highest nobility; the clerical

naVs Anecdotes Histor. politiques militaires, were archbishops and bishops. The

rev-

tom. i.,pt.ii., p. 1, &c., and others. [Dan. enues of the kings were small ; and the

Gerdes, Historia Evang. renovati, tom. iii., clergy were in possession of the most impor-

p. 277, &c. Schroeckh's Kirchengesch. seit tant castles and fortresses. Hence there

der Reform., vol. ii., p. 3, &c. — Tr.] was constant jealousy between the nobility

(56) See Jo. Gramm's Diss, de Reforma- and the clergy; and the former wished to tione^ Daniae a Christierno tentata ; in tom. see the latter humbled. Christiern so dex- iii. Scriptor. Societ. scientiar. Hafniensis, terously availed himself of this jealousy, that P- 1-90- by it he stripped the clergy of their power,

(57) See the causes which induced the and introduced the reformation into the king- states of Denmark to renounce subjection to dom. He forcibly took from the papal king Christiern, in Jo. Pet. a Ludcwig's Re- preacher of indulgences, Arcimbohl, a large liquiae Manuscriptor., tom. v.; p. 315, &c., sum of money, collected by the sale of in- where those states thus express themselves, dulgences ; and he caused a Danish trans- p. 321 : Lutheranas haeresis pullulatores con- lation of the New Testament to be made, tra jus pietatemque, in regnum nostrum Ca- After his deposition, he heard Luther preach tholicum introduxit, Doctorem Carolostadi- in Germany, with great pleasure ; yet as he urn. fortissimum Lutheri athletam, enutrivit. was hoping for succour from Charle.<i V., he [The grounds of the reformation were much did not ope"nIy profess the Lutheran doctrines, the same in Denmark, as in Sweden. The But his queen Lmhclhi, sister to the emperor interests of the state demanded a depression Charles V., professed it, and died in it, with of the clergy. Denmark was an elective great constancy, in the year 1525. Schl.']

46

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. 11.

Johnson {Johajinis), Jo. Tausan, and others publicly to preach in the realm the doctrines they had learned from Luther ;(58) but he did not venture to chano-e the ancient government and constitution of the church. He more- over °greatly aided the progress of the reformed religion, by procuring a decree'' of the senate, at the diet of Odensee A.D. 1527, by which the citi- zens were left at liberty either to continue in the old religion or to em- brace the new, as they saw fit. For under the protection of this decree, the preachers of the reformed religion discharged their functions with so much success, that the greatest part of the Danes at length abandoned the Roman pontiff. Yet the glory of delivering Denmark altogether from the Roman bondage, was reserved for ChristianllL [A.D. 1534-1559], a king of distinguished piety and prudence. For he, after stripping the bishops of their odious power, and restoring to their rightful owners a great part of the possessions which the church had got into her hands by base arts, called John Bugcnhag'ms from Wittemberg, and with his aid, regulated the relif^ious atlliirs of the whole realm, in an enlightened and judicious manner^; and then in the assembly of the states at Odensee, in 1539, per- suaded tlic chiefs of the nation to sanction the begun reformation in reli-

gion.(59)

§ 32. In regard to the reformation however, both in Sweden and Den- mark, we should carefully discriminate between a reformation or change of religion, and a reformation of the Ushops : two things, nearly related indeed, yet so distinct that either may exist without the other. For the relifdon of a people might be reformed, while the rank and power of the bisliops remained the same ; and on the other hand, the bishops might be deprived of a portion of their wealth and authority, and yet the old religion be retained. In the reformation of religion and worship, [in these coun- tries], there was nothing that deserved censure ; for no violence or impo- sition was practised, but every thing was done in a reasonable and reli- gious manner. But in the reformation of the bishops and clergy, there ap- pears to have been something defective. For violent measures were adopt- ed ; and the bishops, against their wills and their efforts to the contrary, were deprived of their honours, their prerogatives, and their possessions. Yet this reformation of the clergy in both those northern kingdoms, was not a relifTJous, but a mere civil and secular transaction ; and it was so necessary, that it must have been undertaken, if no Luther had arisen. For the bishops had by corrupt artifices got possession of so much wealth, so many castles, such revenues, and so great authority, that they were far more powerful than the kings, and were able to govern the whole realm at their pleasure ; indeed they had appropriated to themselves a large portion of the patrimony of the kings, and of the public revenues. Such therefore was the state both of the Danish and the Swedish commonwealths

(58) See Jo. Molkri Cimbria litterata, religionis in vicinis Daniae regionibiis et po- tom. ii , p. 886. &c. Christ. Olivanus, tissimiim in Cimbria; in hia Dissert. His- Vila Pa'uli Eliae, p. 108, &c. Eric I'ontop- torico-Thcologirae. p. 24, &c., Kiliae, 1715, pid>in''s Annales eccles. Danica?, torn, iii., 4to. [Also Da7i. Gcrdcs, Historia Evanpe- p. 139. &c. lii renovati, toin. iii., p. 338, &c. Schroeckh's

(59) Eric Ponfoppidans Concise History Kirchengesch. seit der Reform., vol. ii , p. of the Reformation in Denmark, written in 59, &c. A still better account may be ex- Danish, Eiibec, 1734, 8vo, and his Annale.s pected in the Ecclesiastical History of Den- ecclesiae Danica?, torn, ii., p. 790, &c., torn, mark, now preparing, and partially pubbshed, ill., p. 1, &.C. Henry Mufdius, de Reformat, by Fr. Munter, bishop of Secland. —Tr.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 47

in the time oC Luther, tliat either the bishops, who shamefully abused their riches, their prerogatives, and their honours, must be divested of the high lank they held in the state, and be deprived of a large portion of their ill- gotten wealth ; or the ruin of those kingdoms, the irreparable detriment of the public safety and tranquillity, and the sinking of their kings into con- tempt, with an utter inability to protect the people, must be anticipated.

§ 33. In France, Margaret [born 1492, died 1549] queen of Navarre, and sister to Francis I. king of France, the perpetual enemy and rival of Charles V., was pleased with the principles of the reformed religion ; and hence several pious men, well acquainted with the scriptures and sustained by her protection, ventured to teacli this religion and to form religious so- cieties. in one place and another. It appears from documents of unques- tionable authority, that as early as the year 1523, there were in most of the provinces of France, a multitude of persons opposed to the principles and the laws of the Romish church ; and among them were men of high character, and also prelates. As this number continually increased, and as religious commotions took place here and there, the king and the ma- gistrates protected the ancient religion by the sword, and by penal inflic- tions, and a large number of pious and good persons were cruelly put to death. (60) But this cruelty advanced, rather than retarded, the progress of

(60) See Theod. Sf^-a's Histoire des Egli- and brouorht to desire it. The university of ses Reformees de France, tome i., livre Paris indeed had already in 1521, declared i., p. 5, &c. Elias Bcnoist''s Histoire de expressly against Luther and his writings. I'Edit de Nantes, torn, i., livre i., p. 6, etc. (See the Determinatio Facultat. Thcol. Par- Christ. Aug. Salig^s Historie der Augs- is. super doctrina Lutherana ; in GcrdeSy burgischen Confession, vol. ii., p. 190, &c , Historia Evangel, renovati, torn, iv., Ap- and others. [Gerdes, Historia Evangelii pend. No. ii., p. 10,11.) Yet the doctrine renovati, torn, iv-, p. 1, &c. SchroeckK's of LK7/ier and ilfe/a??c^Aon, from the first, had Kirchencresch. seit der Reformat., vol. ii., many friends in France ; indeed, there was p. 208, &.C. — France was the first country, a time when Francis I., to gratify the wish- where the reformation that commenced in es of his sister, Queen Margaret, was dis- Germany and Switzerland, very soon and posed to invite Mclancthon to take residence under the severest oppressions, found many in France. The first movement with a di- adherents. No country seems to have been rect view to produce a reformation, was at so long and so well prepared for it, as this : Meau.x, where the devout and learned bishop and yet here it met the most violent opposi- William Brissonet, gave support and protec- tion ; and no where was it later, before it tion to James le Fcvre, William Farrell, and obtained legal toleration. No where did it Gerard Roussel, and permitted them openly occasion such streams of blood to flow ; no to preach against the old superstitions and where give birth to such dreadful and deadly abuses of the Romish church, and to gather civil wars. And no where have state policy, a small congregation. But as soon as the court intrigue, political parties, and the am- thing became extensively known, the parlia- bition of greatness, had so powerful an influ- ment in the year 153;J, ordered a rigorous ence on the progress and fortunes of the ref- investigation of the subject. John le ClerCy ormation, as in France. — Schroeckh. The a woollen-spinner, but who had become a friendship of Francis I. to the sciences, and preacher to the new congregation at Meaux, his attachment and generosity to learned published in this year a letter against indul- men, induced many persons of genius who gences, in which the pope was represented were favourable to the reformation, to take as Antichrist. He was therefore beaten up their residence in France ; and thus the with rods, branded with a hot iron, and ban- writings of the Reformers, which were in ished ; and afterwards, died a martyr at general better compositions than the books Metz. The congregation were dispersed all of the papists, were introduced extensively over France. Bnssonct, terrified by the re- into France, and were there eagerly read ; sentment of the king, drew back ; and now and by these writings such as had before condemned the doctrines he had hitherto ap- taken no part in the religious contests, were proved. Farrell went to Switzerland, re- convinced of the necessity of a reformation, formed Miimpelgard, and adhered firmly to

48 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

thi new relio-ion. Tlic friends of reformation however in France, experien- ced various t'ortune, sometimes adverse, and sometimes tolerable, during the reign of Francis I. [A.D. 1515-1547]. For the king, being either of no rehgion or of a dubious one, conducted towards them just as his own advan- tage or state poHcy seemed to require. When he wished to conciliate the good-will of the German Protestants, and by them inflict a wound upon his enemy Charles V., he was mild, humane, and equitable towards them ; but on a change of circumstances, he assumed a different char- acter, and showed himself implacable towards them.

§ 34. The other countries of Europe did not exhibit so many and so clear indications of a defection from the Romish institutions and customs, prior to the presentation of the Confession of Augsburg. And yet it can be proved by the most credible testimonies, that Spain,(61) Hungary,(62)

the reformed doctrines till his death. Lc tiow smoked, till the death of the king. Fcvrc and Rmssct betook themselves to Especially the honest \\'aldensians in the Navarre, to Queen Margaret, where they mountains of Provence, at Merindoles and did not indeed openly break with the Romish Cabriers, became the victims of a most cruel church, vet greatly promoted the spread of persecution. Merindoles was destroyed ; pure doctrine. In the mean time, the evan- and its inhabitants, who had chiefly taken gelical multiplied exceedingly in Beam and refuge at Cabriers, were either butchered or Guienne, through the protection of Marga- burned alive, or sent to the galleys. Cardinal ret. Francis therefore, bemg prompted by Tournon was the instigator, and Oppeda the the bishops, sent for this queen, and rebuked president of the parliament of Aix, was the her for suffering these innovations to take chief actor in the bloody scene. Yet all place. She promised him, she would go no was done with the consent of the king ; farther in this thing, provided the following though, m the end, he could not approve of concessions were granted her : 1st, That no all that had taken place, but execrated this mass should be said, unless there were per- worse than barbarian deed ; and on his sons to receive the eucharist. 2d, That the deathbed, enjoined upon his successor to elevation of the host should cease. 3d, The subject it lo an investigation. — Schl.] worship of it also. 4th, That the eucharist (61) [The emperor Charles V. being king should be administered in both kinds. 5ih, of Spain, and carrying on extensive wars in That in the mass, there should be no men- Italy, Germany, and Spain, his Spanish and tion made of Mary and the saints. 6lh, German subjects of all ranks and ])rofessions, That common, ordinary bread sho\ild be were necessarily brought into close contact, taken, broken, and distributed. And 7th, Many Spanish oflRcers and soldiers and also That the priests should not be compelled to statesmen and theologians, of course learned a life of celibacy. But these propositions something of the reformed religion ; and not •were rejected ; and the preachers she had a few of them embraced it. Yet the rigours brought with her to Paris were thrown into of the Inquisition, and the complete ascend- prison, and with great difficulty, at her in- cncy of popery in Spain, induced the evan- tercession, set at liberty. At last, cardinal gelical Spaniards for a long time either to Tournon so far wrought upon the king, by conceal their religious sentiments, or to prop- his fierce persecuting zeal, that he strictly agate them in the most covert manner. Yet commanded his sister to avoid all innovations before the year 15.50, the Protestants had in religious matters; and. notwithstanding become so numerous in Spain that they ven- the intercession of the Protestant princes of tured to appear openly. They could number Germany, he caused the evangelical to be a great many persons of distinction, and had punished in the most cruel manner. Gal- increased so rapidly that it seemed as if the lowses were erected, and the flames kindled, whole nation would soon embrace the re- against the professors of the reformed doc- formed religion. But the Catholics taking trine ; and yet they w ere so far from being the alarm, a most violent persecution ensued, exterminated, that their number increased which raged till not a heretic dared to show his continually. The persecution became still hrad in that country See Michael Geddcs, heavier in the year 15.34, when some incon- Martyrology of Protestants in Spain ; in his sideratc persons, in their rash zeal, posted Miscellaneous Tracts, vol. i., p. .545, &c., and up satirical papers against the popi.sh mass Latin, in Miishcim''s Dissert. Hist. Eccles., in various places, and even on the royal pal- vol. i., p 663, iSrc. Rcsrinaldi Govsalri Re- ace. The blood of the unhappy Protestants latio de Martynbus Protestantium in Hispan-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 45

Bohemia,(63) Britain,(64) Poland,(65) and the Nethcrlands,{66) now abounded in great numbers of friends to the doctrines inculcated by Lu.

ia ; in Dan. Gerdes's Miscellanea Groninff., volscii Systema Historiaj Chronolog. Eccle-

tom. iv., p. 681, &c., and Schroeckh's Kir- siar. Slavonicar., cap. ix., p. 54, &c., and

chengesch. seit der Reform., vol. ii., p. 791, Ju. Th. Eisner^s Brevis conspectus doc-

&c. — Tr.] trinas Fratrum Boemorum ; in Gerdes, Mis-

(62) [Hungary is one of the countries cellanea Groning., torn, vi., pt. i., p. :i81, &c. which early received some light from the — Tr.l

Reformation, but in which it was resisted so (64) [In England, the Wickliffites, though strenuously, that it never absolutely triumph- obliged to keep concealed, had not been ex- ed, and never became the religion of the terminated by 150 years' persecution, Lu- state. As early as 1522, several Hungari- ther's writings were early brought into Eng- ans educated at Wittemberg, introduced the land, and there read with avidity. This Lutheran doctrines into their native country, quickened persecution ; and six men and one These doctrines spread rapidly ; and other woman were burned at the stake in Coven- Hungarians, trained in the school of Luther, try, on Passion Week, A.D. 1519. In 1522, became successful preachers to their coun- kingHcnrij VIII. wrote a confutation of Lu- trymen. But persecution commenced in ther's doctrines ; but to no purpose. Bil- 1525, and was renewed from time to time, nej/, Latimer, and others at Cambridge, with such success as nearly to destroy the formed a society, w'hich read and circulated reformed churches. There were some Mo- Luther''s books, as early as 1523. William ravians or Hussites in the country, before Tindal made an English translation of the the times of Luther, and likewise some New Testament, which he printed at An- Waldensians. Mary, widow of Lewis II. twerp, and circulated in England in 1526. and sister to Charles V., was friendly to the The next year, king Henry began to question Lutherans ; and she checked the persecuting the legality of his marriage with his brother's zeal of king Ferdinand, who was her brother, widow, and proceeded to solicit from the In the year 1530, five free cities in the north- pope a divorce. The negotiation was pro- em part of Hungary, declared for Lutheran- tracted till the king was out of all patience, ism, and presented a confession of their faith and he proceeded without the pope's con- to the king. The next year Matthias De- sent to divorce his queen. The pope cen- vay, the Luther of Hungary, began his ca- sured his conduct, and a quarrel ensued, the reer. The most rapid increase of the Re- result of which was, that Henry, with the formed, was about the year 1550. In the consent of the parliament, abolished the pa- year 1555, the five above-named free cities, pal authority in England, A.D. 1533. Du- and also twelve market-towns in the county ring this period, though persecution had of Zipf, with a few a towns in lower Hun- been kept up, the number of the Reformed gary, and several noblemen, obtained liber- had greatly increased, and the nation was ty to practise the reformed religion. See ripe for a secession from Rome. See Bur- Schroeckh, 1. c, vol. ii., p. 723, &c. — Tr.] net^s History of the Reformation, book i., ii.,

(63) [As early as the year 1519, the Hus- Gerdes^ Historia Evang. renovati, tom. iv., sites in Bohemia opened a friendly corre- p. 172, &c. SchroccMis Kirchengesch. spondence with ilfar^zVi L?i<Aer, and exhorted seit d. Ref., vol. ii., p. 505, &c. — Through him to persevere in the good work, assuring England, some of the writings of the early him there were very many in Bohemia who reformers might reach Scotland, then sunk prayed nitrht and day for the success of his in ignorance, superstitiously devoted to cause. {Luther's Lat. Works, ed. Jena, its priests, and still more passionately at- torn, i., p. 366, &c.) The intercourse con- tached to its nobles the heads of the Scot- tinued free, and was salutary both to the tish clans. Patrick Hamilton, a young no- Bohemians and the Lutherans, till the year bleman, and abbot of Ferme, eager to know 1525, when it was suspended for ten years, more of the Reformed religion, went to Ger- in consequence of some slanderous reports many, and studied some time at Marpurg. respecting Luther propagated in Bohemia. Returning with one of his three companions But in 1535, the intercourse was renew- to Scotland, he began to preach the doc- ed ; evangelical doctrines spread in the trines of the Reformers. The priests ar- country ; and the Hussites corrected their raigned him for heresy, convicted him, and former creed, without entirely abandoning he was burned alive at St. Andrews, A.D. it. The evangelical were divided among 1527, in the 24th year of his age. From themselves, and were exposed to persecu- this time the Protestant doctrines made a tion : yet they multiplied greatly, and finally slow but constant progress, amid ever obtained free toleration. See Adr. Regen- wakeful persecution, in Scotland, till th©

Vol. m.— G

50

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

ther ; some of whom repaired to Wittemberg, for the sake of enjoying the instructions of so great a master and guide. Some of these countries, af- terwards, made themselves wholly free from the Romish yoke ; in others, numerous congregations arose, that rejected the decrees of the jjontiff, and which have existed down to the present times, though amid various mo- lestations ; in others, the most cruel persecutions and inhuman laws, after a short time, extinguished the knowledge that had been obtained and wide- ly circulated of the reformed religion. It may be unhesitatingly assert- ed,— for the adherents of the Roman pontiffs themselves admit it, — that the entire fabric of the Romish church would have been quickly demolish- ed, had not its defenders opposed the multitude of assailants, already in the breach, with fire and sword.

year 1547, when the famous Scottish reform- er, John Knox, arose. See Schroeckh, 1. c, p. 43.'^. &c. JRohcrtson's History of Scot- land, b. ii. ; Gcrdcs' Hist. Evang. renovati, vol. iv., p. 210, &c., 229, 234, 291, &c., 304, &c., 321. —Tr.]

(65) [Before the Reformation, a consider- able body of Hussites had removed from Bohemia to Poland ; where their doctrines spread considerably, especially among the nobility, and roused the spirit of persecu- tion. Luther's writings at once circulated among the dissenters from the church of Rome, corrected their views, and strength- ened their opposition to popery. Even some of the bishops favoured evangelical doctrines ; and as early as 1525. there were several evangelical preachers in Poland, and also in Polish Prussia. But so vigorous a perse- cution v.-as kept up, that Protestant worship could be maintained only in private, till near the middle of the century. See Regenvol- scii Systema Hist. Chronol. Ecclesiar. Sla- vonicar. lib. i., c. 13, p. 71, dec. Schroeckh, 1. c, vol. ii., p. 666, &c. — Tr.]

(66) [The seventeen Belgian provinces,

composing the Netherlands, were a part of the hereditary dominions of Charles V., which he governed by his viceroys. Here, from the 14th century, various religious re- formers had appeared, as Gerhard Groot, John Wessclius, Thomas a Kcmpis, John of Goch, and Cornelius Grapheus. Here also arose the famous Erasmus. The wri- tings of Luther were early and eagerly read by the Netherlanders. The Catholics were alarmed ; and through their instigation, the government introduced the Inquisition in the year 1522, and kept up a hot persecution of the Reformed for a long course of years. It was computed, that in these provinces, du- ring the reign of Charles V., not less than 50,000 persons lost their lives, in conse- quence of their defection from the church of Rome. Yet the number of the Reformed continuallv increased ; and when at length, seven of these provinces revolted, and be- came an independent slate, they adopted the Protestant religion. See Gerdes, Hist. Evang. renovati, tom.iii.,p. l.&c. Schro- eckh, 1. c, vol. ii., p. 348, &,c. — Tr.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 51

CHAPTER III.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, FROM THE PRESENTATION OF THE AUGSBC7RG CONFESSION [1530], TILL THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE WAR OF SMALCALD

[1546].

^ 1. The Augsburg Confession presented to the Emperor. — ^ 2. Its Character. — 1^ 3. Con- futation of it. — <^ 4. Deliberations for settling the Religious Controversies. — (J 5. Re- suk of the Diet of Augsburg. — <$i 6. The League of Smalcald. — ^ 7. The Peace of Nuremberg. — <5) 8, 9. The Council. — <$> 10. Commotion of the Anabaptists. — ^ 11. Re- volt of Great Britain from the Pontiif. — (} 12. Character of this Reformation. — ^ 13. Re- newed Attempts at Compromise. The Conference at Worms. The Diet of Ratisbon. — ^ 14. Preparations for War.

§ 1. Charles V. made his entry into Augsburg on the 15th of June [1530], and on the 20th of the same month the diet was opened. As the members had agreed that the rehgious affairs should be despatched before discussing the subject of a Turkish war, the Protestant members present, received permission from the emperor to exhibit a summary view of the rehgion they professed, in the session of the princes on the 25th of June* Accordingly in the palace of the bishop of Augsburg, that confession of faith, which from the place where it was exhibited was called the Augs- burg Confession, was read in German, by Christian Bayer the chancellor of Saxony. There was not one of the princes that did not Hsten to it with eager attention ; and some of them, who before did not correctly un- derstand the religious views of Luther, expressed approbation of the purity and innocence of the doctrines. John elector of Saxony, and four princes of the empire, George marquis of Brandenburg, Ernest duke of Luneburg, Philip landgrave of Hesse, and Wolfgang prince of Anhalt, with the two imperial cities, Nuremherg and Reutlingen, subscribed their names to the copies [the one Latin the other German] delivered after the reading to the emperor, in testimony of the accordance of the doctrines there expressed with their own views.(l)

§ 2. As the Augsburg Confession was adopted as a public standard of faith, by the whole body of [Lutheran] Protestants, no one of them should be ignorant of its character and contents. The style is Philip Melanc-

(1) [A history of this diet, in a large folio the Augsburg Confession, Frankf on Mayne,

volume, by George Coelestine, [a Lutheran], 1783, &c., 2 vols. 8vo. — The original sub-

vpas published at Frankfort on the Oder, in scribers to the confession are mentioned in

1577. Histories of the Augsburg Confes- the text. Before the diet rose, the cities,

sion, were composed by David Chytraus, Kempten, Heilbronn, Windsheim, and Weis-

and by others ; and especially in the 18th senburg, also subscribed ; and afterwards,

century, by Em. ^^aZomore Cyprian, and by many more. It was immediately printed,

August. Salig, in the German language, and soon spread all over Europe, and was

Salig''s work is prolix, and is more properly translated into various foreign languages,

a history of the reformatioji, than a history It thus became of great service to the Prot-

of the Augsburg Confession. Cyprian's estant cause ; for it was a very able docu-

history is more concise and dense, and is ment, and was drawn up in a most judicious

corroborated with well-selected documents, manner. See SchroecWs Kirchengesch.

It therefore deserves to pass to a third edi- seit der RefcTra., vol. i., p. 445, &c.— TV.] tion. [G. G. Webber's critical History of

♦r

52

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. III.

thon's ; which is as much as to say, it was drawn up in polished, perspicu- ous language, well adapted to the subject. The contents or matter, it is certainrwa^ supplied principally by Luther ; who was at ^ ^ ^^^ not far from Augsburg, at the tune of ;;^^ ^^^^ . ^^^^j ^^.j^^ examined and ap- proved the form an^J ytyig ^vhich MelancLlion gave to it. It was comprised in twenty-eight articles ; of which twenty-one stated distinctly, the reli- gious faith of those that had receded from the church of Rome ; and the other seven recounted the errors or abuses as they were called, on account of which they had separated from the Romish community. (2)

(2) [The articles in this Confession, or as in it ; and that the efficacy of the sacraments

it might be called Apology, are of very une- is not destroyed by hypocrisy in the adinin-

qual length. Some are in the form of an- istrators.

swers to slanders against the Lutherans ; Art. 9th asserts, that baptism is necessary,

others are short essays ; most of them in- and is a means of grace ; and that infants

elude proofs or argumentation ; and sever- are to be baptized.

al of them arc followed by renunciations of Art. 1 0th asserts, that the real body and

the opposite tenets held by heretics ancient blood of Christ are truly present in the eu-

or modern. As few American readers have charist, under the elements of the bread and

access to this celebrated creed, the following wine, and are distributed and received,

summary of its contents is here subjoined. Art. 11th retains private confession of

Art. 1st treats of God and the Trmity ; sins to the pastors, and absolution by them;

in accordance with the Nicene Creed. but denies the necessity of a particular enu-

Art. 2d affirms that all men, since the fall, meration of all sins, are born with sin ; that is, destitute of faith Art. 12th maintains, that those who sin and the fear of God, and with corrupt pro- after baptism, if they repent, should always be pensities ; for which hereditary sin they are restored by the church : that repentance con- exposed to eternal death, until they are re- sists in sorrow and regret for sin and reliance generated by baptism and the Holy Spirit, on Christ for pardon, and is productive of It rejects the Pelagian doctrine, and denies good works. It denies sinless perfection in man's ability to obtain justification by his this life, the Novatian error of refusing ab- -Own works. solution to the penitent, and all dependance

Art. 3d treats of the person and mediation on our own satisfactions for sin.

'of Christ ; in accordance with the Apostles' Art. 13th asserts, that the sacraments are

Creed. not merely significant signs, but are tokens

• Art 4th asserts justification to be, solely, and evidence of God's gracious disposition

on the ground of Christ's righteousness im- towards us, calculated to awaken and

puted to the believer, and not on the ground strengthen our faith, and requiring faith to

of his personal righteousness ; agreeably to a worthy receiving of them.

Rom., ch. iii., iv. Art. 14th asserts, that no one should

Art. 5th asserts, that the word, preachincj, preach publicly, and administer the sacra-

and the sacraments, are the medium through ments, unless duly called,

which God imparts the Holy Spirit to whom Art. 16th- Rites of human institution,

he will ; in consequence of which, they be- so far as they are not sinful, and tend to

lieve unto righteousness. It rejects the doc- peace and good order in the church, (as cer-

trine of the Anabaptists, that men can obtain tain feasts, fasts, &c.), are to be observed.^-

the Holy Spirit by their own efforts, and But all human institutions, designed to ap-

without the mear;s above stated. pease God, are contrary to the Gospel.

Art. 6th asserts", that true faith always Art. 16th. Civil government is ordained produces good wori's ; which every man is of God; and Christians may lawfully hold bound to perform, y et must not rely upon offices, civil and military, and may pursue ■J-hem for salvation. the various occupations of citizens : contra- Art. 7th affirms the existence of a holy ry to the views of the Anabaptists, and catholic church, consistin'^of all the faithful ; such as deem all worldly business inconsis- and which is known, not i^y a uniformity in tent with a truly religious life, ceremonies, but by the effic.'^cious preaching Art. 17th asserts, that, at the last day, of the word, and the admini stration of the Christ will come, will ra-se the dead, and sacraments in their purity. ^^'H adjudge the believing and elect to eter-

Art. 8th asserts, that the Chrii^tian church, nal life, and wicked men and devils to hell

though composed of saints, yet ha. ^hypocrites and eternal torment. It rejects the An-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

53

§ 3. The friends of the pontiff present at the diet, drew up a confutation of the Protestant Confession ; of which, John Faler, afterwards bishop of Vi-

abaptist notion of a final restoration of dev- ils and the damned ; and also the Jewish notion of a temporal reign of Christ on the earth, prior to the resurrection.

Art. 18th asserts, that men have some free will to live reputably, to choose among objects which their natural reason can com- prehend ; but that without the gracious aids of the Holy Spirit, they cannot please God, nor truly fear him, exercise faith, or over- come their sinful propensities, 1 Cor. ii.

Art. 19th asserts, that God is not the cause and author of sin ; but that the per- verse wills of ungodly men and devils, are the sole cause of it.

Art. 20th maintains, that the Reformers do not discourage good works, though they inculcate the doctrine of justification by faith alone ; but only discourage useless works, as the rosary, worshipping saints, pilgrim- ages, monastic vows, stated fasts, &c. ; and it evinces, at considerable length, from scripture and the fathers, that a man cannot be justified by works.

Art. 21st admits, that the saints are to be respected, and to be imitated as patterns of piety ; but denies, that they are to be wor- shipped, prayed to, or regarded as media- tors.

Such for substance (say they) is the doc- trine taught in our churches ; and being the doctrine of the Bible, we cannot but hold to it. All should embrace it.

The abuses (they say) which have crept into the church, and which we could not conscientiously endure, are chiefly the fol- lowing.

Art. 22d. Denying the sacramental cup to the laity ; contrary to scripture and early Christian practice.

Art. 23d. Imposing celibacy on the cler- gy ; contrary to reason, and scripture, and the practice of the purer ages, and with very injurious consequences.

Art. 24th. The Protestants are falsely taxed with abolishing the mass. They only purified it ; and discarded the idea of its be- ing a work of merit, an offering for the sins of the living and the dead, which militates •with the scriptural doctrine that Christ's sac- rifice is the only sin-offering.

Art. 25th. The Protestants had not abol- ished private confession ; for they made it a necessary preparation for the eucharist. Yet they did not consider it a sacrament, nor require a particular enumeration of sins.

x\rt. 26th censures the multitude of fasts and other ceremonies of human invention, and the undue stress laid upon them, as

meritorious acts ; thus obscuring the doc- trine of salvation by faith, holding these hu- man prescriptions more sacred than the com- mands of God, and burdening the conscien- ces of men with them.

Art. 27th represents the whole system of monkery as a great abuse, and exceedingly injurious to piety.

Art. 28th discriminates b^ween civil and ecclesiastical power, and allows neither to infringe upon the other. The spiritual or episcopal power is limited to preaching, ad- ministering the sacraments, and loosing and binding sins. If bishops teach contrary to the scriptures, they are, and must be treat- ed as, false prophets. If allowed to try causes relating to marriage and tithes, it is only as civil officers. They have no legis- lative power over the church ; and they can bind the conscience, only by showing, that the gospel enjoins what they inculcate. As to Sundays and other holy days, and rites and forms of worship, bishops may and should appoint such as are convenient and suitable ; and the people should observe them, — not as divine ordinances, — but as conducive to good order and edification.

Though the Lutherans expressed their doctrine of consuhstantiation in the most in- offensive terms that would be explicit, yet the Reformed or Zwinglians could not sub- scribe to the Augsburg Confession. Hence the imperial cities of Strasburg, Constance, Lindau, and Memmingen, offered a sep- arate confession, called the Confession of the four cities, Confessio Tetrapolitana. It agreed, substantially, with the Augsburg Confession, except in regard to the corpo- real presence. They held to a real, yet a spiritual or sacramental presence ; a pres- ence which the devout soul could feel and enjoy, but which implied no physical pres- ence of Christ's body. Yet they express- ed themselves in terms which need not have given offence to the Lutherans. They say : " All that the evangelists, Paul, and the holy fathers, have written respecting the venerable sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, our preachers teach, recommend, and inculcate, with the greatest fidelity. Hence, with singular earnestness, they con- stantly proclaim that goodness of Christ towards his followers, whereby, no less now than at his last supper, to all his sincere dis- ciples as oft as they repeat this supper, he condescends to give, by the sacraments, his real body and his real blood, to be truly eat- en and drunken, as the food and drink of their souls, by which they are nourished ta

54 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. III.

enna, with the aid of John Eckius and John Cochlccus, is said to have been the composer. This confutation being ht:e\vise read before the diet on the 3d of Au<TUst, the emperor required the Protestants to acquiesce in it, and to abandon their whole cause and controversy. But they declared them- selves not satisfied with this answer of the papal divines ; and wished to have a copy of it, that they might point out its fallacies. The emperor, more obedient to the exhortations of the pontiff's legate and his compan- ions, than to the demands of right and of equity, refused their request, and would not allow the controversy to be protracted by any new writings about it. Nevertheless the Protestants caused an answer to be drawn up by Philip Melancihon, to so much of the pontificial confutation as the the- ologians had been able to gather from hearing it read ; and on the 22d of September they presented it to the emperor, who refused to receive it. This answer (though afterwards corrected and enlarged by MeJancthon, upon obtaining a copy of the pontifical confutation) is that Apology for the Augsburg Confession, which was afterwards published in the year 1531, and which constitutes a part of the symbolical books of the Lutheran church. (3)

§ 4. Three modes of getting rid of these very troublesome contentions, remained. One was, to allow those who would not obey the mandates of the pontiff, to enjoy their own sentiments on religion, and to worship God

eternal life ; so that he lives and abides in per, he says ; " I believe, that in the holy them, and they in him." This confession eucharist, or supper of thanksgiving, the they presented to the emperor, in Latin and real body of Christ is present, to the eye of German; but he would not allow it to be /fl27A, (fidei contemplatione) ; that is. to those read in public. Yet when the popish priests who thank the Lord for the benefits con- had made out a confutation of it, he called ferred on us in Christ his Son, acknovv\- them before him, to hear that confutation edge that he assumed a real body, truly read ; and then, without allowing discus- suffered in it, and washed away our sins in sion, or permitting them to have a copy of his own blood ; and thus the whole that the confutation, demanded of them submis- Christ has done is, as it were, present to sion to the church of Rome. They refu- the eye of their faith. But that the body of sed. This confession of the four cities, Christ, in substance, and reality, or that his which was drawn up by Martin Bucer, and natural body, is present in the supper, and had been adopted by the senate and people is received into our mouth, and masticated of Augsburg, was the confession of that by our teeth, — as the papists, and some who city for a number of years. But afterwards, look back upon the fleshpots of Egypt, rep- the four cities, feeling the necessity of a resent, — that I not only deny, but unhes- union with the Lutherans, lest their popish iiatingly pronounce an error, and contrary to enemies should swallow them up, brought the word of God." He subjoins elaborate themselves to believe, that the Lutherans proofs, from the scripture, reason, and the and they differed more in words, than in re- fathers, in support of these views. To this ality ; and therefore they subscribed to the confession, Eckius, a Caiholic divine repli- Augsburg confession, and became a part of ed ; and Zwinglc, on the 27th of August, the Lutheran church. See Hospiniari's defended himself, in a letter addressed to Historia Sacramcntaria, pt. ii., p. 162, d:c. the. emperor and to the Protestant princes. At the same diet, Zicingle presented his See Hospiniayi, 1. c, p. 167, &c. — T/.] private confession ; which is a long and (.3) [Mdancthon composed the Apology elaborate performance. He says ; "Grace in Latin: but afterwards, Justus Jonas is conferred along with the sacraments ; translated it into German, in which language but not by ihem as the channels ; or in other it was published in the first collection of all words, that the Holy Spirit imparts grace to the symbolical books of the I^utheran church, thedevout communicants, in the ordinance ; Dresden, 1580, fol. 21-131. The Augs- but does not annex the grace to the